dinsdag 7 april 2020

Hydroxychloroquine: how an unproven drug became Trump’s coronavirus 'miracle cure'





Hydroxychloroquine: how an unproven drug became Trump’s coronavirus 'miracle cure'




Tue 7 Apr 2020


Donald Trump has continued to promote hydroxychloroquine as a possible remedy for coronavirus.Donald Trump has continued to promote hydroxychloroquine as a possible remedy for coronavirus. Photograph: John Locher/AP


With help from Fox News and Elon Musk, a misleading French study prompted a wave of misinformation that made its way to the president


T
his weekend, Donald Trump used his daily White House coronavirus briefings to again urge Americans to take hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malaria drug that has not been shown to be safe or effective against Covid-19.

“What do you have to lose? Take it,” the president said on Saturday as he boasted that the US had amassed 29m doses of the drug. On Sunday, facing questions from the press about his aggressive promotion of an unproven treatment, he argued against waiting for the completion of clinical trials. “In France, they had a very good test,” he said. “But we don’t have time to go and say, ‘Gee, let’s take a couple of years and test it out, and let’s go and test with the test tubes and the laboratories.’”
Meanwhile, Dr Anthony Fauci, the country’s top infectious disease doctor, has repeatedly warned that there is no conclusive evidence to support using the drug. Asked whether it should be considered a treatment for Covid-19, he said on 24 March: “The answer is no.”
The story of how hydroxychloroquine was anointed the Trump administration’s miracle drug for the coronavirus pandemic is a distinctly modern tale of misinformation within a global information ecosystem beset by widespread uncertainty, fear, media fragmentation and hyper-partisanship. Belief in the drug’s potential to cure patients infected with the virus followed an extraordinary trajectory from a small study conducted in France (Trump’s “very good test”) to Silicon Valley social media influencers, Fox News, and the largest bully pulpit: the White House.
But it’s also a story as old as medicine itself. When an epidemic killed thousands in ancient Rome, said Aaron Shakow, a research associate at Harvard Medical School and historian of medicine, the chief physician of the emperor Nero circulated a recipe for an old miracle cure.
“It was an attempt by Nero to sustain his legitimacy in the midst of this catastrophic event,” Shakow said. “Epidemics are dangerous to rulers.”

A deeply flawed study

In early March, as the coronavirus pandemic accelerated its spread around the globe, a group of scientists in Marseilles, France, launched an experiment to see whether hydroxychloroquine, a well-known old malaria drug, could be what everyone was searching for: a cure.
Most small scientific studies live and die within the rarified domain of academic journals, but the French trial had a much more auspicious debut. Before the study was even published, in the International Journal of Antimicrobial Agents (IJAA), a lawyer falsely claiming an affiliation with Stanford University appeared on Fox News’s Tucker Carlson Tonight to declare the results: a “100% cure rate against coronavirus”. From Fox News, it was only a matter of time (hours, in fact) before the drug was being hailed as a “game changer” by the president of the United States.
Trump made his first endorsement of hydroxychloroquine on 19 March. Export controls, shortages, overdoses, and scientific recriminations rapidly ensued, but the controversy could not extinguish the power of presidentially endorsed hope. Across the globe and throughout diverse communities on the internet, hydroxychloroquine had been anointed the miracle cure for Covid-19.
The only problem? The study that all this fervid hope is based on doesn’t show what its authors claim it does.
The gold standard for a clinical trial is a double-blinded, randomized controlled trial (RCT). What this means in plain English is that the study has been designed to reduce biases that would render its results meaningless. Neither the physician nor the patients knows whether they received the drug (“double-blinded”), a safeguard that reduces the possibility that the doctor will treat the two groups differently. The researchers also do not get to choose which patients go into which group (“randomized”) and the makeup of the two groups is roughly equivalent (“controlled”).
Donald Trump at a White House press briefing on Monday.
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 Donald Trump at a White House press briefing on Monday. Photograph: REX/Shutterstock
The French hydroxychloroquine study did not follow any of these rules.
The treatment group and the control group were drawn from separate populations: the treatment group were all patients at the institution where the researchers worked, the Méditerranée Infection University Hospital Institute in Marseille, while the control patients came from other hospitals in the south of France. The treatment group (mean age 51.2) was significantly older than the control group (mean age 37.3), introducing another variable that could undermine the meaning of the results. The study was “open label”, meaning the physicians and patients knew which treatment they were receiving. The French researchers also treated some but not all of the treatment group patients with azithromycin, a common antibiotic, another complicating factor that was not randomized.
But even more important than these shortcomings in the design of the study is how the researchers chose to measure and report their results. Forty-two patients were initially included in the study. Three were transferred to the intensive care unit; one died, one left the hospital, and one stopped taking the treatment due to nausea. The other 36 eventually recovered, and those who received the drug cleared the virus from the system faster than those who did not.
If you had only heard about this study from the Fox News assertion of a “100% cure rate”, you might assume that the four patients with poor clinical outcomes (the three ICU visits and one death) had been unlucky enough to be in the group that did not receive the “cure”.
And yet, those four patients, as well as the patient with nausea and the one who left the hospital early, were all part of the treatment group. They were excluded from the topline results of the study because of the way that the researchers chose to measure and report the results: strictly based on the measurable presence of viruses in nasal swabs taken each day of the study. Since the patients were in the ICU or dead, their samples could not be taken and they were left out of the final analysis. Based on the nasal swabs of just the 36 patients who completed the study, those who received the drug cleared the virus from their systems faster than those who did not.
This is how an experiment in which 15% of the treatment group and 0% of the control had poor clinical outcomes could end up being reported as showing a “100% cure rate”.
Didier Raoult, corresponding author for the French study.
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 Didier Raoult, corresponding author for the French study. Photograph: Gérard Julien/AFP via Getty Images
On 3 April, two weeks after the study was first published online, the International Society of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy, which publishes the IJAA, said in a statement that the group’s board “believes the article does not meet the Society’s expected standard, especially relating to the lack of better explanations of the inclusion criteria and the triage of patients to ensure patient safety”.
Didier Raoult, the corresponding author for the French study, did not respond to questions from the Guardian.
Andrew Noymer, a professor of public health at the University of California, Irvine, described the results of the French study as “meaningless”. “They should have done an RCT,” he said.
“This idea that we’re all manning the lifeboats and there’s no time for that is just absurd,” Noymer added. “They could have already done it. They could have had the answer by now … Doctors have always gone with their guts and saved many lives, but I don’t know. If they had done RCTs on Thalidomide” – a drug that caused birth defects – “they would have figured out its dangers a lot sooner.”

From Silicon Valley to Fox News

So how did one interesting but flawed study out of the south of France make its way to Fox News’s prime time and the White House?
It was not surprising that scientists were interested in testing hydroxychloroquine (and its close relative, chloroquine), a well-known and understood drug, as a potential treatment against Covid-19. It is one of a number of possible treatments that scientists in China and South Korea looked at in the early stages of the coronavirus outbreak, including with in vitro (ie lab-based) experiments that showed promising (though not conclusive) results. The drug was also selected as one of four that the World Health Organization included in its large-scale international clinical trial.
But while hydroxychloroquine was garnering some interest in the early days of the pandemic, other possible treatments, such as Gilead’s antiviral Remdesivir, were drawing more. Google trends data shows that people were searching for Remdesivir more than hydroxychloroquine throughout most of February.
What Remdesivir lacked that hydroxychloroquine had, however, was a team of dedicated hype men who appeared more interested in publicizing the drug as a cure than they were in discovering whether the drug was effective.
Among these is Raoult, the French physician who co-authored the hydroxychloroquine study in Marseille. Before Raoult had even begun his clinical trial, in late February, he appeared in the press to promote the idea of chloroquine as a treatment, researchers with First Draft News found. A video of the appearance received more than a quarter-million views on Facebook.
The Fox News host Tucker Carlson hosted a lawyer falsely described as an ‘adviser’ to Stanford Medical School.
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 The Fox News host Tucker Carlson hosted a lawyer falsely described as an ‘adviser’ to Stanford Medical School. Photograph: Richard Drew/AP
Raoult also found a dedicated and effective English-language publicist in Gregory Rigano, the lawyer who appeared on Fox News with a chyron that falsely labeled him an “adviser” to Stanford Medical School. Rigano wrote a Google document promoting the use of chloroquine with James Todaro, a blockchain investor who received a medical degree from Columbia University but does not appear to practice. (The document initially listed a third co-author, a retired biochemist who disclaimed any knowledge of it when contacted by Wired.)
The Google document, which was formatted in a way that made it appear to be a scientific paper, found an audience among Silicon Valley’s elite. It was shared on Twitter by a number of influential investors before it hit the virality motherlode: on 16 March, the billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk tweeted the link to the document to his nearly 33m followers.
“When someone who is newsworthy or notable that has an enormous network on social media tweets about something that could be as path-breaking as a medicine that could treat coronavirus, everyone is going to pay attention no matter if that person has expertise or not,” said Joan Donovan, director of the Technology and Social Change research project at Harvard’s Shorenstein Center. “Elon Musk elevating and giving voice to this Google doc does act as a validating mechanism. Elon Musk is a tech entrepreneur best known as a car salesman, but nevertheless people look to him for what’s new, what’s next.”
Musk’s tweet received more than 13,000 retweets. (He did not respond to questions from the Guardian about his promotion of the document.) Search interest in chloroquine soared. Mainstream media outlets covered his apparent endorsement of the drug. An 85-year-old medication was well on its way to becoming a Covid-19 meme.

America’s right wing piles on

Once Trump declared himself a proponent of hydroxychloroquine, the scientific debate over the drug was drowned out by a decidedly partisan one.
Rightwing media outlets have followed Fox News’s lead (an analysis by Media Matters found that the cable news channel promoted using the drug 109 times between 23 March and 25 March) to become staunch proponents of the drug, from digital outrage factories such as the Daily Caller and the Daily Wire to the opinion pages of the Wall Street Journal.
“These drugs are helping our coronavirus patients,” declared the headline of the Journal op-ed, which was written by two physicians from Kansas, Jeff Colyer and Daniel Hinthorn. The pair wrote that they had been treating patients with hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin, and encouraged others to do so too “as a matter of clinical practice” once a patient tests positive. They also recommended using the drug prophylactically for healthcare workers.
The doctors did not provide any data from their own patients, but referenced the French study, writing: “Researchers in France treated a small number of patients with both hydroxychloroquine and a Z-Pak, and 100% of them were cured by day six of treatment.”
Hinthorn, the director of the division of infectious diseases at the University of Kansas Medical Center, responded to queries from the Guardian about the op-ed’s mischaracterization of the French study: “You are correct. Any patient left out of any analysis makes us suspicious. But what this study told us was that this was a combination that might merit further evaluation.”
He acknowledged that it is unknown whether the drug is beneficial or harmful for Covid-19 patients, but said that since no drug has as yet been proven effective, “if there is any medication that might give hope, we prefer to try it” as long as it is safe. “We should know in the next few weeks whether such a regimen was a wise decision or not.”
Hinthorn did not respond to a follow up question about whether the op-ed should be corrected to more accurately reflect the degree of uncertainty around hydroxychloroquine. Colyer, the former governor of Kansas and a plastic surgeon, did not respond to requests for comment. He has since written a second op-ed for the Journal, also promoting hydroxychloroquine.
Researchers at the University of Minnesota Genomics Center investigate the drug.
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 Researchers at the University of Minnesota Genomics Center investigate the drug. Photograph: Craig Lassig/Reuters
The idea that hydroxychloroquine is “the cure” has taken off within certain online communities, including among anti-vaxxers and followers of QAnon, a rightwing conspiracy theory. The drug has also found support from the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, a small, ultra-conservative organization that advocates against government involvement in medicine. The group launched a texting campaign to bombard physicians with demands to sign a petition against “red tape” that might prevent them from prescribing the drug, Reuters reported.

Calls for further research

Away from the rancor of the partisan media, scientists and physicians continue to study the effects of the drug. In some states, including the hard-hit New York, hospitals are following Hinthorn’s rationale and using the drug since no proven therapy exists.
A group of French researchers published a refutation of the Raoult study in Médecine et Maladies Infectieuses on 30 March. The researchers, at Saint Louis Hospital in France, followed the same regimen of hydroxychloroquine for 11 patients, and did not have similar results. “We found no evidence of a strong antiviral activity or clinical benefit of the combination of hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin for the treatment of our hospitalized patients with severe Covid-19,” they wrote. “Ongoing randomized clinical trials with hydroxychloroquine should provide a definitive answer regarding the alleged efficacy of this combination and will assess its safety.”
But another study – this time a randomized controlled trial – out of Wuhan, China, has sparked hope since it was circulated ahead of publication on 31 March. The trial of 62 patients found that patients with mild cases of Covid-19 who were treated with hydroxychloroquine recovered faster than those who did not – and none of them progressed to “severe” illness. The study has not yet been peer-reviewed.
The authors of the study urged further research and large-scale clinical trials to better understand how the drug operates and how best to use it.

The danger of presidential misinformation

The hype around hydroxychloroquine has not been without casualties.
Heightened demand for the drug has left longtime patients – including lupus patients who have long used it as an anti-inflammatory – forced to go without. Overdoses have also been reported in the US and Nigeria as frightened individuals attempt to self-medicate.
Social media companies, who have been proactive about policing misinformation about coronavirus, have taken some steps to counter the spread of false claims. Google took down the Google document by Rigano , though the company has not responded to numerous requests for an explanation. Twitter has also deleted tweets by the Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro, Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani, and the Fox News personality Laura Ingraham that touted the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine.
But it’s hard to see how these small enforcement actions by internet platforms can have much of an impact when the president of the United States continues to use his platform to promote the drug, as he did during his daily briefings on Saturday and again on Sunday.
Trump’s promotion of the drug has raised questions about his motivation, and on Monday the New York Times reported that the president holds “a small personal financial interest” in Sanofi, the company that makes a brandname version of hydroxychloroquine. (The drug’s patent has expired so other pharmaceutical companies can manufacture generic versions.)
As a piece of viral misinformation, the hydroxychloroquine meme has amassed an extraordinary list of validators, starting with its placement in a respectable peer-reviewed journal. (Though misinformation stemming from academia is not without precedent; the paper that touched off the false belief in a link between autism and the measles vaccine was published in one of the most respected publications in medicine, and only retracted 12 years later.) It’s also very difficult to refute, because none of the hydroxychloroquine narrative’s critics can or will say anything definitive about its efficacy. Uncertainty and a call to await further study is a weak sword to bring to a fight against an overly confident propagandist.
Trump’s unscientific embrace of hydroxychloroquine is not common, but there are historical examples of heads of state spreading misinformation during pandemics. One recent, tragic example is the HIV-denialism of the South African president Thabo Mbeki, who rejected the use of antiretroviral drugs for his country’s citizens and instead promoted nutritional remedies such as beetroot juice and garlic. Researchers at the Harvard School of Public Health ultimately placed the death toll of Mbeki’s policies at approximately 330,000.
President Gerald Ford receives a swine flu inoculation from his White House physician, Dr William Lukash.
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 President Gerald Ford receives a swine flu inoculation from his White House physician, Dr William Lukash. Photograph: David Hume Kennerly/Courtesy Gerald R Ford Library
Noymer, the UC Irvine epidemiologist, said that the two situations were not quite analogous, since hydroxychloroquine has a “plausible mechanism” to combat the coronavirus, while beetroot juice never did.
Still, Noymer said that the influence that a president can have over a population’s attitude toward a medicine or drug is significant. He recalled President Gerald Ford publicly receiving a flu shot in 1976, amid fear that a new swine flu could lead to a pandemic.
“There was a photograph of him rolling up a sleeve and getting a shot, and the uptake on the flu shot was enormous,” Noymer said. “When the president of the United States does something, it’s quite the endorsement.”
As for Trump, it does not appear likely that he will stop hyping the drug anytime soon, nor that he will take responsibility if anything goes wrong.
“What do you have to lose?” he said Sunday. “They say, take it. I’m not looking at it one way or the other … If it does work, it would be a shame if we didn’t do it early. I’ve seen things that I sort of like, so what do I know?
“I’m not a doctor.”

Don't let free speech be a casualty of coronavirus. We need it more than ever






Don't let free speech be a casualty of coronavirus. We need it more than ever




Despots like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán are banning speech to ‘fight’ Covid-19. But more democratic countries are too

Mon 6 Apr 2020



Ccoronavirus has given autocratic populists an opportunity to pass draconian new laws.
 Ccoronavirus has given autocratic populists an opportunity to pass draconian new laws. Photograph: Michal Čížek/AFP via Getty Images

I
n times of crisis, liberal democratic institutions and values are vulnerable to authoritarian power grabs, or corona coups, as we are seeing around the world today. One of the first victims, as always, is freedom of speech. But the current attack on free speech is particularly dangerous, because it does not only target, reasonably, “fake news” on coronavirus, but also critique of inadequacies in hospitals by healthcare workers.

Repressive measures against fake news have been a popular topic for years now, having reached feverish levels in the wake of the 2016 US presidential elections. Even though the actual effects of “fake news” and “Russian interference” remain unclear and highly disputed, many mainstream politicians have convinced themselves that the spread of fake news is one of the main reasons that they are losing votes and power to populists.
Social media platforms are pressured into “fighting fake news” and a true cottage industry of factcheckers has emerged – many reputable, some not. Still, too little progress has been made. This is not that surprising, though, given the daily barrage of fake news coming out of some of the most powerful political offices in the world, including Downing Street and the White House.
Since the term was popularized by Donald Trump, it should come as no surprise that populists in power have enthusiastically embraced the fight against “fake news”. And now the coronavirus has given them an opportunity to intensify that fight by passing draconian new laws, allegedly to prevent fake news from worsening the crisis.
One of the worst examples, as so often in recent years, comes out of Hungary, where the rubber stamp parliament has passed a set of “emergency measures” – without actually facing an emergency (as of 31 March, Hungary has officially had only 492 cases, including 16 deaths) – to give the far-right prime minister Viktor Orbán “dictatorial powers”. As Orbán rules by decree, anything that he deems “fake news” will be punishable to up to five years in prison – a death sentence for independent media, in so far as it still exists in Hungary.
Perhaps even more dangerous is the attack on the free speech of people at the frontlines of the fight against the coronavirus: healthcare workers. These are the people best informed about the situation, and thus the best potential antidotes to fake news. Yet, according to the Independent, British NHS doctors are being gagged over protective equipment shortages, while NHS England has taken control of communications for many NHS hospitals and staff.
In the US, one of the few western democracies without a universal public healthcare system, individual private hospitals are doing the censoring. Prioritizing their brand and profits over the health of their patients and staff, private hospitals across the US have threatened staff with termination if they speak out about the lack of protective gear. Several hospital staff have already been fired after speaking out, an incredible waste of crucial but sparse resources during a pandemic.

Leaving aside the problem of employers regulating the speech of their employees, incidentally an increasingly common development (even at universities), censoring healthcare professionals is outright dangerous to the broader community. These are the people who actually have day-to-day experience with the coronavirus and risk their lives to help others – particularly if their employers don’t provide them with adequate protective gear.


Moreover, we know how dangerous this type of censorship is from recent experiences in China. Max Fisher has written an excellent New York Times exposé of how China’s authoritarian structure had worsened the country’s response to the coronavirus outbreak. And western media have devoted ample attention to the tragic case of Li Wenliang, the Chinese whistleblower doctor who died of the coronavirus in February.
The irony is that some of the same politicians who support, or at least allow, the censorship of healthcare professionals in their own country have been outspoken critics of the Chinese approach. For instance, the British cabinet minister Michael Gove recently blamed China for failing to stop the spread of coronavirus, while Michael McCaul, the top Republican on the House foreign affairs committee, even called China’s response “one of the worst cover-ups in human history”.
To ensure that we are not making the same mistakes as China, and to protect the health and lives of the heroic healthcare workers (including the many volunteers) who are putting their lives on the line every day to keep us alive and healthy, we must resist these dangerous attacks on free speech, as well as other unnecessary authoritarian measures in response to the coronavirus crisis. Irrespective of the hype about fake news, free speech makes us more rather than less safe, both as citizens and patients, even in times of a health crisis.
  • Cas Mudde is a Guardian US columnist and the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia. His latest book is The Far Right Today

maandag 6 april 2020

UPDATE : When will a coronavirus vaccine be ready?



When will a coronavirus vaccine be ready?

Human trials will begin imminently – but even if they go well and a cure is found, there are many barriers before global immunisation is feasible




When will a coronavirus vaccine be ready? Illustration by James Melaugh. When will a coronavirus vaccine be ready? Illustration: James Melaugh/The Observe

Sun 5 Apr 2020


E
ven at their most effective – and draconian – containment strategies have only slowed the spread of the respiratory disease Covid-19. With the World Health Organization finally declaring a pandemic, all eyes have turned to the prospect of a vaccine, because only a vaccine can prevent people from getting sick.

About 35 companies and academic institutions are racing to create such a vaccine, at least four of which already have candidates they have been testing in animals. The first of these – produced by Boston-based biotech firm Moderna – will enter human trials imminently.
This unprecedented speed is thanks in large part to early Chinese efforts to sequence the genetic material of Sars-CoV-2, the virus that causes Covid-19. China shared that sequence in early January, allowing research groups around the world to grow the live virus and study how it invades human cells and makes people sick.
But there is another reason for the head start. Though nobody could have predicted that the next infectious disease to threaten the globe would be caused by a coronavirus – flu is generally considered to pose the greatest pandemic risk – vaccinologists had hedged their bets by working on “prototype” pathogens. “The speed with which we have [produced these candidates] builds very much on the investment in understanding how to develop vaccines for other coronaviruses,” says Richard Hatchett, CEO of the Oslo-based nonprofit the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (Cepi), which is leading efforts to finance and coordinate Covid-19 vaccine development.

Coronaviruses have caused two other recent epidemics – severe acute respiratory syndrome (Sars) in China in 2002-04, and Middle East respiratory syndrome (Mers), which started in Saudi Arabia in 2012. In both cases, work began on vaccines that were later shelved when the outbreaks were contained. One company, Maryland-based Novavax, has now repurposed those vaccines for Sars-CoV-2, and says it has several candidates ready to enter human trials this spring. Moderna, meanwhile, built on earlier work on the Mers virus conducted at the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases in Bethesda, Maryland.
Sars-CoV-2 shares between 80% and 90% of its genetic material with the virus that caused Sars – hence its name. Both consist of a strip of ribonucleic acid (RNA) inside a spherical protein capsule that is covered in spikes. The spikes lock on to receptors on the surface of cells lining the human lung – the same type of receptor in both cases – allowing the virus to break into the cell. Once inside, it hijacks the cell’s reproductive machinery to produce more copies of itself, before breaking out of the cell again and killing it in the process.
All vaccines work according to the same basic principle. They present part or all of the pathogen to the human immune system, usually in the form of an injection and at a low dose, to prompt the system to produce antibodies to the pathogen. Antibodies are a kind of immune memory which, having been elicited once, can be quickly mobilised again if the person is exposed to the virus in its natural form.
Traditionally, immunisation has been achieved using live, weakened forms of the virus, or part or whole of the virus once it has been inactivated by heat or chemicals. These methods have drawbacks. The live form can continue to evolve in the host, for example, potentially recapturing some of its virulence and making the recipient sick, while higher or repeat doses of the inactivated virus are required to achieve the necessary degree of protection. Some of the Covid-19 vaccine projects are using these tried-and-tested approaches, but others are using newer technology. One more recent strategy – the one that Novavax is using, for example – constructs a “recombinant” vaccine. This involves extracting the genetic code for the protein spike on the surface of Sars-CoV-2, which is the part of the virus most likely to provoke an immune reaction in humans, and pasting it into the genome of a bacterium or yeast – forcing these microorganisms to churn out large quantities of the protein. Other approaches, even newer, bypass the protein and build vaccines from the genetic instruction itself. This is the case for Moderna and another company which has a presence in Boston, CureVac, both of which are building Covid-19 vaccines out of messenger RNA.
Cepi’s original portfolio of four funded Covid-19 vaccine projects was heavily skewed towards these more innovative technologies, and last week it announced $4.4m (£3.4m) of partnership funding with Novavax and with a University of Oxford vectored vaccine project. “Our experience with vaccine development is that you can’t anticipate where you’re going to stumble,” says Hatchett, meaning that diversity is key. And the stage where any approach is most likely to stumble is clinical or human trials, which, for some of the candidates, are about to get under way.
Clinical trials, an essential precursor to regulatory approval, usually take place in three phases. The first, involving a few dozen healthy volunteers, tests the vaccine for safety, monitoring for adverse effects. The second, involving several hundred people, usually in a part of the world affected by the disease, looks at how effective the vaccine is, and the third does the same in several thousand people. But there’s a high level of attrition as experimental vaccines pass through these phases. “Not all horses that leave the starting gate will finish the race,” says Bruce Gellin, who runs the global immunisation programme for the Washington DC-based nonprofit, the Sabin Vaccine Institute.
There are good reasons for that. Either the candidates are unsafe, or they’re ineffective, or both. Screening out duds is essential, which is why clinical trials can’t be skipped or hurried. Approval can be accelerated if regulators have approved similar products before. The annual flu vaccine, for example, is the product of a well-honed assembly line in which only one or a few modules have to be updated each year. In contrast, Sars-CoV-2 is a novel pathogen in humans, and many of the technologies being used to build vaccines are relatively untested too. No vaccine made from genetic material – RNA or DNA – has been approved to date, for example. So the Covid-19 vaccine candidates have to be treated as brand new vaccines, and as Gellin says: “While there is a push to do things as fast as possible, it’s really important not to take shortcuts.”
An illustration of that is a vaccine that was produced in the 1960s against respiratory syncytial virus, a common virus that causes cold-like symptoms in children. In clinical trials, this vaccine was found to aggravate those symptoms in infants who went on to catch the virus. A similar effect was observed in animals given an early experimental Sars vaccine. It was later modified to eliminate that problem but, now that it has been repurposed for Sars-CoV-2, it will need to be put through especially stringent safety testing to rule out the risk of enhanced disease.
It’s for these reasons that taking a vaccine candidate all the way to regulatory approval typically takes a decade or more, and why President Trump sowed confusion when, at a meeting at the White House on 2 March, he pressed for a vaccine to be ready by the US elections in November – an impossible deadline. “Like most vaccinologists, I don’t think this vaccine will be ready before 18 months,” says Annelies Wilder-Smith, professor of emerging infectious diseases at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. That’s already extremely fast, and it assumes there will be no hitches.
In the meantime, there is another potential problem. As soon as a vaccine is approved, it’s going to be needed in vast quantities – and many of the organisations in the Covid-19 vaccine race simply don’t have the necessary production capacity. Vaccine development is already a risky affair, in business terms, because so few candidates get anywhere near the clinic. Production facilities tend to be tailored to specific vaccines, and scaling these up when you don’t yet know if your product will succeed is not commercially feasible. Cepi and similar organisations exist to shoulder some of the risk, keeping companies incentivised to develop much-needed vaccines. Cepi plans to invest in developing a Covid-19 vaccine and boosting manufacturing capacity in parallel, and earlier this month it put out a call for $2bn to allow it to do so.
Once a Covid-19 vaccine has been approved, a further set of challenges will present itself. “Getting a vaccine that’s proven to be safe and effective in humans takes one at best about a third of the way to what’s needed for a global immunisation programme,” says global health expert Jonathan Quick of Duke University in North Carolina, author of The End of Epidemics (2018). “Virus biology and vaccines technology could be the limiting factors, but politics and economics are far more likely to be the barrier to immunisation.”
The problem is making sure the vaccine gets to all those who need it. This is a challenge even within countries, and some have worked out guidelines. In the scenario of a flu pandemic, for example, the UK would prioritise vaccinating healthcare and social care workers, along with those considered at highest medical risk – including children and pregnant women – with the overall goal of keeping sickness and death ra tes as low as possible. But in a pandemic, countries also have to compete with each other for medicines.
Because pandemics tend to hit hardest those countries that have the most fragile and underfunded healthcare systems, there is an inherent imbalance between need and purchasing power when it comes to vaccines. During the 2009 H1N1 flu pandemic, for example, vaccine supplies were snapped up by nations that could afford them, leaving poorer ones short. But you could also imagine a scenario where, say, India – a major supplier of vaccines to the developing world – not unreasonably decides to use its vaccine production to protect its own 1.3 billion-strong population first, before exporting any.
Outside of pandemics, the WHO brings governments, charitable foundations and vaccine-makers together to agree an equitable global distribution strategy, and organisations like Gavi, the vaccine alliance, have come up with innovative funding mechanisms to raise money on the markets for ensuring supply to poorer countries. But each pandemic is different, and no country is bound by any arrangement the WHO proposes – leaving many unknowns. As Seth Berkley, CEO of Gavi, points out: “The question is, what will happen in a situation where you’ve got national emergencies going on?”
This is being debated, but it will be a while before we see how it plays out. The pandemic, says Wilder-Smith, “will probably have peaked and declined before a vaccine is available”. A vaccine could still save many lives, especially if the virus becomes endemic or perennially circulating – like flu – and there are further, possibly seasonal, outbreaks. But until then, our best hope is to contain the disease as far as possible. To repeat the sage advice: wash your hands.
  • This article was amended on 19 March 2020. An earlier version incorrectly stated that the Sabin Vaccine Institute was collaborating with the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (Cepi) on a Covid-19 vaccine. It was further amended on 30 March to remove an incorrect reference to CureVac being a “Boston company”; its world headquarters are in Tübingen, Germany.
  • Due to the unprecedented and ongoing nature of the coronavirus outbreak, this article is being regularly updated to ensure that it reflects the current situation as best as possible. Any significant corrections made to this or previous versions of the article will continue to be footnoted in line with Guardian editorial policy.