donderdag 31 mei 2018

For Weinstein, a Brush With the Police, Then No Charges






For Weinstein, a Brush With the Police, Then No Charges




Jane Manning, director of advocacy at the National Organization for Women New York, at a rally and news conference Friday protesting the Manhattan district attorney’s office’s decision not to prosecute Harvey Weinstein in a 2015 sexual assault case.
CreditHolly Pickett for The New York Times




For decades the film producer Harvey Weinstein succeeded in hiding from public view complaint after complaint of sexual misconduct against him. But on the evening of March 28, 2015, at a rendezvous at the TriBeCa Grand, his longtime pattern of cover-ups was coming to a dramatic end.
Meeting with him at the hotel was Ambra Battilana, a 22-year-old model from Italy, who had reported to the police the night before that Mr. Weinstein had groped her during a business meeting. She was wearing a wire. As Ms. Battilana asked Mr. Weinstein why he had touched her breasts at his office, undercover police officers monitored the exchange, eager to capture his every word.
“Oh, please, I’m sorry, just come on in,” Mr. Weinstein said as he tried to usher her into his hotel room, his tone alternating between threatening and cajoling, according to the recording. “I’m used to that. Come on. Please.”
“You’re used to that?” she replied.
“Yes,” he said, adding, “I won’t do it again.”
The investigation that unfolded over the next two weeks was perhaps the biggest threat ever faced by Mr. Weinstein, one of the most prominent figures in American entertainment. He immediately went on the attack.

As the police and prosecutors investigated the model’s allegations, the movie mogul set in motion a team of top-shelf defense lawyers and publicists to undermine her credibility. They gathered court records from Italy about a previous sexual assault complaint she had filed and then dropped. Stories questioning her motives popped up in the tabloids with anonymous sources. Mr. Weinstein’s team even enlisted the help of a former Manhattan sex crimes prosecutor turned novelist with influential ties.
In the end, the Manhattan district attorney, Cyrus R. Vance Jr., announced he would not press charges. Once the criminal case was closed, Mr. Weinstein silenced Ms. Battilana with a substantial payment.

The case demonstrates how Mr. Weinstein, with ample funds and influence, was able to assemble a counterstrike against the sex crime investigation using the weapons available to the powerful. It also highlights the challenges such cases pose, even for the vaunted Manhattan district attorney’s office, made famous by the television show “Law & Order.”
Little of what happened in the case emerged before this month, when The New York Times reported claims of rampant sexual harassment and unwanted touching by Mr. Weinstein, and The New Yorker reported sexual assault allegations — as well as the audio recording of the hotel encounter with Ms. Battilana. Since then, the New York police have begun looking into an actress’s claim that Mr. Weinstein sexually assaulted her in TriBeCa in 2004. On Sunday, the police said detectives were investigating several other new allegations made in recent days.
The London police are also investigating complaints against Mr. Weinstein: A woman came forward over the weekend saying that he had sexually assaulted her three times there between 2010 and 2015, and officers in Merseyside, England, referred them to a sexual assault claim from the 1980s.

British protocol dictates that suspects are not identified until formally charged, but a London police statement on the accusations released on Sunday was sent in response to a Times inquiry about him. The British news media, including the BBC, reported that he was the subject of the investigation.
Mr. Weinstein has repeatedly denied “any allegations of non-consensual sex.”
As more and more women have come forward with accusations, and public outrage has grown, those in the New York Police Department and the Manhattan district attorney’s office have blamed each other for the failure to prosecute Mr. Weinstein in 2015.
Mr. Vance, who is running unopposed for a third term, said the evidence was not strong enough to win a conviction, despite the audio recording. “If we had a case that we felt we could prosecute — that my experts felt we could prosecute — we would have,” he said.

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Ambra Battilana in 2013, when she testified in the trial of the former Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi. In 2015, she said that Mr. Weinstein had groped her.CreditPier Marco Tacca/Getty Images

Prosecutors concluded Ms. Battilana would have been a problematic witness because she had given them shifting accounts of her previous sexual assault complaint in Italy, three officials familiar with the investigation said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss a closed case. Mr. Vance’s assistants also feared they could not prove that Mr. Weinstein had touched Ms. Battilana for sexual reasons because the advance came as they were discussing her desire to be a lingerie model and whether her bosom appeared to be surgically enhanced.
While police officials acknowledged that prosecutors would be hard-pressed to win a conviction, they thought the tape recording of the exchange at the hotel was sufficient to arrest him on third-degree sexual abuse, a misdemeanor that carries a maximum of three months in jail. “We brought them a very good case,” said a senior police official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss an investigation that was closed without charges being filed. “He admitted, twice, doing it. That’s probable cause to make an arrest.”

A Model’s Encounter

Ms. Battilana, a finalist in the Miss Italy pageant, caught Mr. Weinstein’s eye at a reception for a show he was producing at Radio City Music Hall. He told her she looked like the actress Mila Kunis and invited her to bring her modeling portfolio to his office at the Tribeca Film Center.

When she arrived at his office, an assistant showed her a promotional video about his entertainment company before ushering her into his office, said Mark Jay Heller, a lawyer who briefly represented the model in the criminal case.
They took a seat on the couch, and Ms. Battilana began showing Mr. Weinstein her modeling photos on a tablet computer as they discussed the possibility of her working as a lingerie model, according to the account she later gave police. When the topic turned to whether her breasts looked real, Mr. Weinstein lunged forward and grabbed them. She protested and pushed his hands away, but Mr. Weinstein was persistent, putting his hand up her skirt and asking to kiss her, the police report says.
Ms. Battilana reported the encounter to police within hours of leaving Mr. Weinstein’s office, and quickly detectives from the Special Victims Unit were brought into the investigation. The model was going over the details of her allegation with them when her phone rang. It was Mr. Weinstein, asking to meet her for a drink, and the investigators seized the moment, whispering to her to accept an invitation to see him the following night at the bar of the TriBeCa Grand Hotel. They would fit her with a recording device.
Mr. Weinstein showed up at the bar the next night seemingly eager for a reunion, according to the audio recording. He had no idea that the TriBeCa Grand, which has since been renamed the Roxy Hotel, was swarming with undercover detectives.
Mr. Weinstein invited her up to his room, saying he needed to take a shower, the police said. Ms. Battilana went upstairs, but refused to enter the room. In a tense exchange in the hallway, she asked him why he had touched her breasts the day before.
As his tone grew belligerent, a detective, concerned for Ms. Battilana’s safety, intervened. Pretending to be a reporter from TMZ, he loudly badgered Mr. Weinstein for an interview, causing enough of a scene for Mr. Weinstein to retreat from the hallway, investigators said.
Once they were back downstairs, Ms. Battilana slipped out a side door, and Mr. Weinstein was once again confronted by a detective. This time, the detective made it known he was from law enforcement, and that the police wanted to talk to him.

Undermining an Accuser

Mr. Weinstein, 65, had faced allegations of sexual misconduct before, the investigations by The Times and The New Yorker found, but this was the first time police were known to have been involved. The Times found that in at least seven other cases, he had quietly made payments to female accusers in exchange for their silence, effectively preventing them — and their accusations — from emerging in the public eye.
Mr. Weinstein, who is married with five children, agreed to go to a police station for questioning, but as soon as the groping allegation came up, he halted the interview and asked for a lawyer, the police said.


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Mr. Weinstein at the Cannes Film Festival. He faces a growing number of accusations of sexual harassment and assault.CreditYann Coatsaliou/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The accusation came at a time when his faltering company was in talks to sell its television division to ITV, and he was coming under mounting scrutiny from its board.
The day after the sting operation, Ms. Battilana hired Mr. Heller, a splashy lawyer who had represented Lindsay Lohan and other celebrities. She met with him at his townhouse on Park Avenue that Sunday wanting to push forward with the criminal case, he said.
“She felt reduced to dirt, that somebody would have such low respect for her, that they would conduct themselves like that,” Mr. Heller said. “She was very determined to have her day in court.”
Mr. Weinstein, meanwhile, appeared determined to stay as far away from court as possible. He denied any wrongdoing and quickly retained Elkan Abramowitz, a former law partner of Mr. Vance, as well as Daniel S. Connolly, another former prosecutor turned white-collar defense lawyer.

Linda Fairstein, a former Manhattan sex crimes prosecutor who had once written an article in Vanity Fair about her dream of doing a movie deal with Mr. Weinstein, agreed to consult. She was a close friend of Martha Bashford, head of the district attorney’s sex crimes bureau, and facilitated an introduction for Mr. Abramowitz. It was, she said, the type of thing she does for fellow lawyers.
“Calling Ms. Bashford to tell her who Elkan was and to ask her to consider meeting with him is the kind of thing I do four to six times every year,” said Ms. Fairstein, who said she had determined Ms. Battilana’s complaint was unfounded.
Ms. Bashford declined a request for an interview.
Private investigators rapidly went to work collecting records from two cases in Italy involving Ms. Battilana. As a teenager, she had made a sexual harassment complaint against a 70-year-old man, but later declined to cooperate with prosecutors, law enforcement officials said. Then, in 2011, she had testified for the prosecution at the trial of Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian prime minister who was charged with abusing his power and with patronizing an underage prostitute. Ms. Battilana described a sex party with teenage girls at his house in which she had refused to participate in lewd acts. On cross-examination, she denied the facts in a previous sworn affidavit about the older man, suggesting a lawyer had written it.
The influential public relations strategist, Ken Sunshine, known for his bare-knuckled tactics, put out statements on Mr. Weinstein’s behalf. And the tabloids ran stories suggesting she was selling her story for $100,000 and had tried to use the groping allegation to blackmail him. Mr. Weinstein planted stories to sow doubts about her credibility, said someone familiar with the efforts who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
“These types of matters are considered in two forums; one is the court of law, but probably the more important forum is the court of public opinion,” said Mr. Heller, who represented Ms. Battilana for a few days before being replaced by another lawyer, David Godosky. “They tried to spin an opinion in court of public opinion in a way that would break her down and make her go away.”
Mr. Sunshine said, “I categorically deny having anything to do with planting stories on anyone.”

Declining to Prosecute

Days after the encounter at the TriBeCa Grand, the detectives brought the district attorney what they considered to be a case wrapped up with a bow, police officials said.
It arrived several years after Mr. Vance had drawn criticism for the way he handled a case involving another powerful man, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, who was accused of sexual assault of a hotel maid in 2011. Mr. Vance initially appeared intent on charging Mr. Strauss-Kahn, but the investigation fell apart after prosecutors discovered evidence undermining the woman’s credibility.

In the case of Mr. Weinstein, police recording equipment had failed, but Ms. Battilana had captured the entire conversation on her telephone, including his admission that he had grabbed her breasts, investigators said. Security cameras had caught video of Ms. Battilana leaving Mr. Weinstein’s office looking distraught, they said. The police saw it as more than enough to warrant an arrest.


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Cyrus R. Vance Jr., the Manhattan district attorney, said he took the advice of the chief of his office’s sex crimes bureau in not filing charges against Mr. Weinstein.CreditVictor J. Blue for The New York Times

But prosecutors were disappointed in the content of the audio recording, three officials familiar with the investigation said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss a closed investigation. The police had moved quickly without giving them an opportunity to help steer the secretly recorded encounter with Mr. Weinstein, these officials said.
Police officials denied this, saying Ms. Bashford, the prosecutor, was kept in the loop all weekend. “Why would we not call about Harvey Weinstein?” the senior police official who thought the case was strong said.
Ms. Battilana had gotten Mr. Weinstein to acknowledge that he had touched her breasts, but she had not brought up her claim that he put his hand up her skirt. Prosecutors saw this as a problem, the officials said.
Ms. Bashford met with Mr. Weinstein’s lawyers on three separate occasions, with Mr. Weinstein present at one of the meetings. The defense team claimed that he had touched her breasts for a legitimate reason — to see if they were real for the purposes of a lingerie advertisement — and denied that he had touched her thighs.
To prove sexual abuse or forcible touching in New York State, prosecutors needed to prove the motive was sexual gratification or to humiliate the victim, and had Mr. Weinstein admitted he slid a hand up her skirt, it would have been unequivocally sexual, the officials said.

The defense lawyers also brought to Ms. Bashford’s attention Ms. Battilana’s sworn statements in Italy, arguing they suggested she was not credible, two people with knowledge of the meetings said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.
Ms. Bashford interviewed Ms. Battilana at least four times, pressing her on her story, the officials said. During those meetings, she disavowed the sworn statements she had made in the Berlusconi trial, as well as her affidavit about the previous sexual assault, they said.
By April 10, 2015, Ms. Bashford had reached the conclusion she could not prove every element of a crime with the evidence she had.
Mr. Vance said he discussed the case with Ms. Bashford and his chief assistant at least three times and finally accepted Ms. Bashford’s recommendation to drop the case. “I didn’t have any pushback on Martha’s opinion, mindful that Martha has greater expertise in sex crimes than I do,” he said.
But as some former prosecutors see it, Mr. Vance could have moved forward with the case. “The idea that Weinstein’s criminal intent was unprovable because of his stated ‘professional need’ to personally inspect her breasts doesn’t pass the laugh test,” said Mark Bederow, a former Manhattan prosecutor who is now a defense lawyer.
With the criminal case behind him, Mr. Weinstein moved forward with a private settlement with Ms. Battilana. He paid her a sizable sum, according to two people familiar with the confidential payment. In exchange, she made a legally binding promise to never speak of their encounter again.
Ms. Battilana, who declined an interview request, recently told Italy’s La Repubblica newspaper that she struggled to get work after the case was over and that the fashion world closed its doors on her.
“What happened to me really put my view of the world to the test,” she said.
With a flood of accusers coming forward, she said she hoped that it “will bring me justice.”


dinsdag 29 mei 2018

HA’ARETZ REPORT: KNOW YOUR OLIGARCH: A GUIDE TO THE JEWISH BILLIONAIRES IN THE TRUMP-RUSSIA PROBE (Part One)



Afbeeldingsresultaat voor Haaretz logo

Ha’aretz reports on Israeli ties to Trump Probe

Of 10 billionaires with Kremlin ties who funneled political contributions to Donald Trump and a number of top Republican leaders, at least five are Jewish

Yuri Milner, co-founder of Mail.ru Group Ltd., speaks during the TechCrunch Disrupt 2017 in San Francisco, California, U.S., on Monday, Sept. 18, 2017
David Paul Morris/Bloomberg

May 23, 2018 1:13 PM

Part ONE : 

HA’ARETZ REPORT: KNOW YOUR OLIGARCH: A GUIDE TO THE JEWISH BILLIONAIRES IN THE TRUMP-RUSSIA PROBE.

by and Ron Kampeas, Ha’aretz

The special prosecutor’s probe into Russian meddling in the 2016 election offers an unsettling journey for anyone steeped in Russian Jewry, and the transition from the repression of the former Soviet Union to the relative freedoms of the Russian Federation.
Of 10 billionaires with Kremlin ties who funneled political contributions to U.S. President Donald Trump and a number of top Republican leaders, at least five are Jewish. (The Dallas Morning News has a handy set of interactive charts.)
There’s Len Blavatnik, the dual British-American citizen who dumped huge amounts of cash on Republican candidates in the last election cycle, much of it funneled through his myriad investment firms. (The same Len Blavatnik who funds scholarships for IDF veterans and who is friends with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.) Alexander Shustorovich is the president of IMG Artists, a titan among impresarios, who gave Trumps’ inauguration committee a cool $1 million. He arrived in 1977 with his penniless family in New York at age 11, fleeing Soviet persecution of Jews.
The list goes on — we explore some of the names below. But first: What was going on in the Soviet Union as it headed towards collapse in the late 1980s that led to the proliferation of Jewish names among its oligarch class?
“Not all oligarchs are Jewish, of course, not the majority, but there is a significant number,” said Mark Levin, the CEO of the National Coalition Supporting Eurasian Jewry, who joined its predecessor, the National Council on Soviet Jewry, in 1980 as a staffer. “They were in the right place at the right time.”
Here are some of the factors that put them in the “right place at the right time.”
You can go home again
Many Soviet Jews left the country because bigotry and punitive Soviet policies kept them, among other indignities, from getting jobs in their preferred professions. But with the collapse of the USSR, and with opportunities opening up at home, a number of these younger emigrants drew on the entrepreneurial strain, training and connections they found in their new countries, be it the United States, Britain and Israel.
In the late 1980s, when they heard that the policy of glasnost was loosening up markets, a number of them traveled back to their homeland seeking opportunity, armed with savvy and with moneyed connections in their new countries. They were in place after 1991 when Russia and its former republics rapidly privatized everything from mines to media.
“I know people who left the Soviet Union, it imploded, they went back, they had friends and acquaintances who were telling them there were great opportunities,” Levin said. “There were business people who were partnering with people in Russia and other countries because they had the connections to complete business deals.”
Networks
The Jews who stayed behind kept in touch with friends and family who were succeeding overseas and were able to tap them for investment opportunities.
“Jews in the ex-USSR had a ready-made network of trusted contacts in the U.S. and Israel who they could go into business with,” said Oliver Bullough, a British author and journalist whose expertise is Russian history and politics. “It was harder for Russians who had no contacts abroad to achieve this. This also, in my opinion, explains why ex-KGB people did well since they had a network of former spies in other countries.”




Mikhail Gorbachev

Glasnost opened doors
Glasnost, or openness, instituted by Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, included opening up plum government jobs to minorities that had previously been marginalized. That accelerated Jewish entry into higher ranks of the bureaucracy just when it was opportune to be in a position to know what sector was about to be privatized, and which government-owned business was about to be broken up.
It helped that unlike communist regimes in eastern Europe, Levin said, in Russia and the former Soviet republics, the elites remained in place — only the ideology of communism was jettisoned.
“Russia and most successor states of the Soviet Union went through a much different transformation than the former communist Europe nations,” he said. “Most of the governing elite didn’t change.”
Moreover, the very professions to which Jews were restricted under the old Soviet system were the ones that proved useful in the new economy. Jews, Levin said, were likelier to be entrepreneurs.
“There were Jews who were helping to make the transition from a command economy to a market economy,” he said.
Author Michael Wolff, profiling tech entrepreneur Yuri Milner in 20111, wrote, “The Jews in Soviet Russia, often kept from taking official career paths, came to thrive in the gray and black markets. Hence, they were among the only capitalists in Russia when capitalism emerged.”
Bullough said the scientific disciplines that accepted Jews under the old system were suddenly in demand under the new.
“Jews were often excluded from the kind of universities that produced diplomats, and therefore pushed more towards pure sciences, which meant there was a disproportionate number of Jewish mathematicians who were able to engage with the new banking industry,” he said.
But who really knows.
Most of all, said Levin, it was chaos. Massive sectors of the economy were up for grabs. At times, there seemed to be no controlling authority. When the dust settled, Russia had entered the age of the oligarchs. “In the beginning, it was like Chicago in the 1920s,” he said. Connie Bruck, profiling Blavatnik in The New Yorker in 2014, quoted a new Russian phrase: “Never ask about the first million.”
Here are some of the businessmen with Soviet Jewish roots who have been named in stories about the Trump-Russia investigation.




Access Industries chairman Leonard Blavatnik.Credit: Bloomberg

Leonard Blavatnik, 60
Oligarch factor: U.S.-British citizen. Forbes lists him as the 48th richest man in the world. Access Industries, which he founded in 1986 while he was at Harvard Business school, exploded in its earlier years through investments in uranium and oil in the collapsing Soviet Union. It has since expanded into massive media holdings.
Trump factor: Gave more than $6 million in the 2016 election cycle, virtually all to Republicans, after a pattern of relatively modest donations to both political parties. Longstanding business ties to Viktor Vekselberg, the oligarch allegedly linked to secret payments to Trump lawyer Michael Cohen.  Blavatnik donated $12,700 last year to a Republican party legal fund that has helped to pay Trump’s lawyers in the Russia inquiry.
Jewish ties: He has served on the board of Tel Aviv University, the Center for Jewish History and the 92nd Street Y. His family foundation funds a Colel Chabad-run food bank and warehouse in Kiryat Malachi in Israel, which sends monthly shipments of food to 5,000 poor families in 25 Israeli cities. He is friends with Netanyahu, and has been questioned by police in connection with the investigation into gifts the prime minister allegedly has received from wealthy benefactors. He funds scholarships for Israeli army soldiers.
In 2017, Israeli police investigated whether Prime Minister Netanyahu was involved behind the scenes in the sale of Channel 10 to Leonard Blavatnik (a partner in RGE Communications, which owns 51 percent of Channel 10).




Andrew Intrater

Andrew Intrater, 55
Oligarch factor: A cousin to Vekselberg, who has a Jewish father but does not identify as Jewish. Intrater, a U.S. citizen, is the CEO of Columbus Nova, the investment company with close ties to Vekselberg’s Renova. An SEC filing from 2007 lists Intrater as the chairman of the board of CableCom, a Moscow-area cable TV provider.
Trump factor: Columbus Nova funneled payments from Renova to Michael Cohen, Trump’s lawyer. Intrater also donated $250,000 to Trump’s inaugural committee.
Jewish ties: Intrater, the child of a Holocaust survivor, has given more than $500,000 to the University of Southern California’s Shoah Foundation and has donated to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Foundation Committee. Intrater’s brother, Frederick, the design manager for Columbus Nova, bought up a batch of domain names with associations with the “alt-right” in the summer of 2016, when support for then-candidate Trump on the far right was rising and Get Out the Vote drives were intensifying. Frederick Intrater said he made the purchases without Andrew’s knowledge, and later regretted it, allowing the URL names to wither. “To conclude that I support white supremacy or anti-Semitism is unreasonable given what I’ve described above and also taking into consideration that I am a Jew and son of a Holocaust survivor,” Frederick Intrater said.




Alexander Shustorovich

Alexander Shustorovich, 52
Oligarch factor: Shustorovich, a U.S. citizen, traveled to Moscow in 1989, a year after graduating from Harvard, and immediately became a player in media there, starting scientific publications. He unsuccessfully sought to get his company, Pleiades Group, into the $12 billion deal that sold Soviet nuclear fuel to the United States. He is now CEO of IMG Artists, a company that manages talent in classical music and dance.
Trump factor: Shustorovich gave $1 million to Trump’s inaugural committee. Notably, his attempt to give the George W. Bush campaign $250,000 in 2000 was rejected in part because of his ties at the time to Russia’s government.
Jewish ties: Shustorovich arrived in New York at 11 in 1977 with his family, who did not have enough money to buy food. His father, Evgeny, pushed out of work in Russia as a chemist because of his hopes of emigrating, joined Kodak in Rochester, N.Y. and soon rose to prominence in his field. For a period in 1986-1987, Evgeny Shustorovich was one of the faces of the Soviet Jewry movement as he became an ardent advocate for the right of his brother — also named Alexander — to emigrate from the former Soviet Union.




Simon Kukes

Simon Kukes, 72
Oligarch factor: Kukes, a U.S. citizen, left the Soviet Union in 1977, settling in the Houston area. A chemist, he was for a period an academic, and then worked in the Texas oil industry. He returned to Russia and became an executive in the post-Soviet oil industry there. In 2003, he became head of the Yukos oil company after another Jewish oligarch, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, was jailed by Russian leader Vladimir Putin for tax evasion and theft — but mostly, most observers think, for funding opposition parties.
The Guardian in 2003 uncovered CIA documents linking Kukes to bribery, charges which he has denied. Prior to his year-long gig helming Yukos, Kukes was from 1998-2003 the president of TNK, another oil company, whose principal stakeholders were Blavatnik and Vekselberg. In 2012 when he headed the Russian arm of Hess, Forbes reported that Kukes’ former chauffeur, who had risen through the company ranks, was a Russian mafia boss. The man denied the charges, but Kukes pushed him out of the company. Last year, Kukes was a U.S.-based CEO of Nafta, a consulting firm for investors in Russia’s energy sector. Nafta’s website has since been scrubbed.
Trump factor: With no major history of GOP giving, Kukes suddenly funneled $285,000 into the Trump reelection effort — much of it after June 2016, when Russian interest in the possibility of a Trump presidency intensified.
Jewish ties: Kukes does not have apparent formal ties with the organized Jewish community, although he tells interviewers he left the former Soviet Union because he was Jewish. In 2015, he bought a 12.5 percent share in Leverate, an Israeli-founded company that develops brokerage software.




Yuri Milner

Yuri Milner, 56
Oligarch factor: Milner never fled the Soviet Union — his parents still live in Moscow. He was the first non-emigre from the Soviet Union to attend Wharton business school, and was for years involved in Russian banking before entering tech. He is well known as a Silicon Valley investor, owning one of the most luxurious houses in ritzy Los Altos Hills, valued in 2011 at $100 million. Last year, it was revealed through leaked documents that Russia’s government funded substantive stakes in Twitter and Facebook that were for a time held by his company, DST Global. In 2013, Milner joined Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg, Google’s Sergey Brin and 23andme’s Anne Wojcicki in establishing the multi-million dollar Breakthrough prize for scientists.
Trump factor: After last year’s revelations, Milner scoffed at the notion that Russia was plowing money into social media efforts to influence elections, noting that he never sought a seat on the board of the companies he invested in. Milner in 2015 invested $850,000 in Cadre, a real estate startup launched by Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, and Kushner’s brother Josh. Milner has said that he met Jared Kushner only once. Kushner’s stake in Cadre was one of many that he initially failed to disclose when he became an adviser to his father-in-law.
Jewish ties: Milner attends a synagogue when he is in Moscow. Somewhere along the line, he appears to have acquired Israeli citizenship. Speaking with Forbes in 2017 after the magazine named him one of the 100 “greatest living business minds,” Milner said he was “humbled and honored” to be “the only Russian or Israeli citizen on the list.”

by and Ron Kampeas, Ha’aretz