zaterdag 5 oktober 2024

Grondboeren beuren nog véél meer fiscaal voordeel

 

Grondboeren beuren nog véél meer fiscaal voordeel

                                
Frank Kalshoven

V

orige week zagen we dat boeren die grond verkopen aan andere boeren komend jaar een fiscaal voordeel krijgen van 2,157 miljard euro, en dat dit voordeel inhoudelijk op geen enkele manier kan worden gerechtvaardigd, aldus de officiële evaluatie. Ik dacht dat dit al erg genoeg was. Maar de fiscale bevoordeling van boeren met grond gaat nog veel verder. En, zullen we zien, het kabinet is voorlopig niet van plan over te gaan tot actie.

Wat is er dan nog meer, bovenop die 2,157 miljard aan winstvrijstelling? Ik vond (mede dankzij oplettende lezers, dankdank) nóg drie posten, waarvan één zeer klein. Het gaat om assurantiebelasting, om overdrachtsbelasting en om onroerendezaakbelasting (ozb).

Dat met de assurantiebelasting is veruit de kleinste fiscale voordeelpost. Boeren die ‘open’ telen, in de buitenlucht dus, lopen het risico op schade door extreem weer, hagel bijvoorbeeld. Ze kunnen zich verzekeren; de premie van de verzekering wordt door de overheid gesubsidieerd (wat weer een ander verhaal is). Over verzekeringen betalen we tegenwoordig ‘assurantiebelasting’. Maar voor de boeren is een ‘vrijstelling assurantiebelasting’ bedacht, waarvoor komend jaar 7 miljoen euro aan gederfde belastinginkomsten staat gereserveerd in de Miljoenennota. De landbouw staat overigens niet alleen in deze vrijstelling. Voor verzekeringen van zeeschepen bijvoorbeeld, en van vliegtuigen, geldt hetzelfde. Deze 7 miljoen is vooral kinderachtig.

Serieuzere bedragen vinden we bij de overdrachtsbelasting. Niet alleen is de winst bij grondverkoop onbelast voor de verkoper (die 2,157 miljard), de kopende boeren hoeven ook geen overdrachtsbelasting te betalen. Naar schatting van het Ministerie van Financiën kost dit de schatkist komend jaar 279 miljoen euro. Iedere onderneming die onroerend goed koopt in Nederland betaalt 10,4 procent belasting over de waarde van de transactie – behalve de grondkopende boer, want die betaalt dus niets.

De grootste klapper (deze week) is de vrijstelling die boeren genieten van het betalen van onroerendezaakbelasting. ‘Cultuurgrond’, zoals boerengrond wordt genoemd, is eenvoudigweg uitgezonderd van de verplichting om deze (lokale) belasting te betalen.

Maarten Allers en Corine Hoeben van het Centrum voor Onderzoek van de Economie van de Lagere Overheden (Coelo) van de Rijksuniversiteit Groningen (RUG) schreven hierover een paar jaar geleden een rapport. Een jaar of vijf geleden, schrijven ze, was de cultuurgrond in Nederland ongeveer 130 miljard euro waard, wat zo’n 630 miljoen euro aan jaarlijkse ozb-afdracht zou hebben opgeleverd. Ook in dit geval is het fiscale voordeel voor boeren lang geleden geïntroduceerd (in 1970) om toentertijd goede redenen. Het voordeel is gebleven, terwijl de goede redenen allang zijn verdwenen. Het voordeel van de boeren, die 630 miljoen, is het nadeel van de burgers. Een op een.

Genoeg fiscale gekkigheid? Zeker weten. Nu treft het dat Financiën in de Miljoenennota een lijst heeft staan van geplande evaluaties van fiscale regelingen. Deze onderzoeksagenda loopt tot en met 2028. Op de lijst staat allerlei verstandigs. Maar wat ontbreekt? De evaluatie van de drie regelingen die in deze column zijn benoemd, samen toch goed voor ongeveer 1 miljard euro.

Is er ook goed nieuws? Ja, als je het wilt zien. In het hoofdlijnenakkoord van de vier coalitiepartijen stond nog te lezen: ‘De rode diesel komt terug voor boeren, tuinders en loonwerkers.’ Dit zou betekenen: goedkopere brandstof en nóg meer fiscaal voordeel voor de landbouwsector. Maar in de Miljoenennota vind je hierover geen letter terug. Uitstel? Of afstel? Hopelijk dat laatste.

donderdag 3 oktober 2024

What atrocity would Israel have to commit for our leaders to break their silence?

 



Opinion

What atrocity would Israel have to commit for our leaders to break their silence?

Owen Jones

To avenge 7 October, crimes of all kinds are condoned. But politicians should take note: the British public disagrees

C

onsider these two parallel universes. One is Gaza, the scene of some of the worst atrocities committed in the 21st century, as Israel’s genocidal rampage offers a new reminder of our species’ capacity for depravity. According to research by Oxfam, more women and children have been killed by the Israeli military in the last year “than the equivalent period of any other conflict over the past two decades”.

What makes this all the more disturbing is that the figures are conservative: the 11,355 children and 6,297 women listed as violently killed are only those who have been officially identified. Many of the dead have not been recorded in this way, not least the thousands buried under rubble, listed as missing, or incinerated by Israeli missiles, leaving not a trace. Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s hospitals, too, has laid waste to the system of reporting fatalities. Those caveats notwithstanding, in no 12-month period were so many women and children butchered in the killing fields of Iraq and Syria, despite those populations being much greater than Gaza’s.

Then there is a fresh revelation about Israel’s deliberate attempt to starve Gaza’s population. Last week the US investigative outlet ProPublica reported that the US Agency for International Deveopment (USAid) – a government department – had delivered a detailed assessment to the secretary of state, Antony Blinken, concluding that Israel was intentionally blocking the deliveries of food and medicine to Gaza. The agency described Israel “killing aid workers, razing agricultural structures, bombing ambulances and hospitals, sitting on supply depots and routinely turning away trucks full of food and medicine”.

In a particularly egregious example, food was stockpiled less than 30 miles across the border at an Israeli port, including sufficient flour to feed most Gazans for five months; it was deliberately withheld. The state department’s refugee agency also concluded Israel was deliberately blocking aid, and recommended the use of US legislation that mandates the freezing of weapons shipments to states blocking US-backed aid. But Blinken rejected these assessments, and the US government has just approved another military aid package, worth $8.7bn, to a state its own agencies have concluded is deliberately starving the population of Gaza.

Now transport yourself to another universe: that of the British political elite. Two Tory leadership candidates have proposed making loyalty to Israel a central feature of Britishness. The frontrunner, Robert Jenrick, declares the Star of David should be displayed at every point of entry to Britain to show “we stand with Israel”. Kemi Badenoch declares she is struck “by the number of recent immigrants to the UK who hate Israel”, adding: “That sentiment has no place here.” Meanwhile, after Iran’s ballistic missile attack – with no reported Israeli casualties – the UK’s prime minister, Keir Starmer, passionately declares, “We stand with Israel”, in an official Downing Street address. Here is a man who has not mustered the tiniest fraction of that emotion for the tens of thousands of Arabs slaughtered by Israel, from Palestine to Lebanon. What word is there for that disparity in response, other than racism?

Fortunately, these are not the universes inhabited by the British public. Two thirds of voters now have an unfavourable view of Israel, compared with 17% opting for favourable: a record low. Seven in 10 believe it likely that Israel has committed war crimes (just 8% dissent), while 54% believe an arrest warrant should be issued for Benjamin Netanyahu for war crimes and crimes against humanity (with 15% dissenting).

But this devotion to Israel among our rulers has survived both unspeakable atrocities and ever more repulsed public opinion. In a rational world, advocating a heartfelt alliance with a state engaged in such murderous mayhem would leave you driven from public life in disgrace; here it is the mainstream, respectable position, with those dissenting demonised as hateful extremists.

What exactly is Israel supposed to do to shake this? It has conducted the worst massacre of children in our time, from reported sniper shots to the heads of infants to butchering terrified families in their cars, and now it is clear it deliberately starved an entire population. It stands accused of raping male and female detainees alike, while Save the Children condemns Israeli soldiers for sexually abusing Palestinian children in prisons. It has killed at least 885 healthcare workers, and left women having caesarians and children having amputations without anaesthetics. Its soldiers push Palestinian bodies from roofs in scenes reminiscent of Islamic State. Meanwhile, Israeli ministers, politicians, army officers, soldiers and journalists compete over bloodcurdling murderous and genocidal rhetoric.

If a state hostile to the west was guilty of atrocities this obscene, there would be widespread consensus that it was one of the great crimes of our age. But, as the Palestinian lawyer Diana Buttu puts it, “The world tells us that nothing can justify October 7, and yet everything Israel has done can be justified by October 7.” It is easy to focus on the most rabid cheerleaders of Israel’s actions, but there are also many, from commentators to public figures, who have remained silent or offered cursory hand-wringing, despite their country being complicit in this endless bloodbath, not least with continued arms sales. The horrors of our past were always made possible by the silent.

Seriously, what does it take? What atrocity could Israel commit before it becomes a matter of public disgrace to champion our alliance? Does a threshold even exist? And what terrible harvest will the west reap for so unapologetically telling the world that it attaches so little value to these Arab lives snuffed out of existence?






  • Owen Jones is a Guardian columnist

woensdag 2 oktober 2024

How did the far right win in Austria? To understand, look to its global networks


Opinion

How did the far right win in Austria? To understand, look to its global networks

Julia Ebner

The Freedom party hasn’t only harnessed discontent at home – it is drawing on once-fringe ideas that have spread around the world

“W

e will kick upwards and clamp down on those who don’t mean well for us”, said Herbert Kickl in May 2023. Under Kickl’s leadership, the Austrian Freedom party (FPÖ) has scored its biggest election victory since it was founded in 1956 by Anton Reinthaller, an Austrian Nazi who had served as a lieutenant general in the SS. Not only is the FPÖ now more popular than ever, it is also at the height of its radicalism.

The FPÖ’s victory in Sunday’s national elections is being celebrated by far-right movements and influencers across Europe. No wonder: it demonstrates how successful they have been at normalising and internationalising their extreme ideologies, conspiracy myths and policy proposals.

Many of the FPÖ’s ideas have been inspired by Generation Identity, a pan-European white nativist movement that has its roots in France and is particularly strong in Austria. In a post-election livestream to his followers, the movement’s Austrian leader, Martin Sellner, celebrated the FPÖ win as “a dream result” . He has been one of the most influential proponents of the term “remigration” (the policy of mass deportation of people with a migration background), which had its first spike on social media following a 2014 extreme-right meet-up in France.

Ten years later, the FPÖ is far from the only far-right political party that has embraced the concept. Germany’s AfD party used “remigration” as part of its campaigns for regional elections in Saxony and Thuringia on 1 September, and Donald Trump recently called for “remigration” in a post about “illegal migrants” on X. Even though Sellner communicated with and received a donation from the Christchurch shooter who later killed 51 people in two consecutive mosque attacks in New Zealand in 2019, Kickl has since described the identitarian movement as “a project worthy of support”, which should be viewed as an “NGO from the right”.

A year before the Christchurch attack, Sellner wrote to me in a direct message on Twitter: “I don’t think that my videos and speeches incite violence. The anger is there in any case and I think it has its material basis.”

Immigration is only one of the FPÖ’s controversial campaign topics. Covid conspiracy myths, climate change denial, anti-feminism and anti-LGBTQ+ discourse are other features of the party’s branding. The FPÖ member of parliament Michael Gruber recently shared an election campaign video on Instagram that showed him throwing a rainbow flag in a bin with the tagline “Cleaning up for Austria”.

With Kickl using dogwhistles such as “climate communism” and “WHO dictatorship”, the FPÖ has been able to expand its support base among conspiracy theorists and Covid deniers. What does Kickl mean by kicking upwards, for example? He promised to become an FPÖ chancellor “who won’t bow down to the EU, Nato and the WHO”. In a new year’s speech he spoke of his long “wanted list”, which includes centrist politicians whom he refers to as “politicians of the system” (Systempolitiker) and whom he accuses of “treason against the people” (Volksverrat) – two terms known for their use by Adolf Hitler.

A key to FPÖ’s success has been the growing landscape of alternative, hyper-biased and conspiratorial news outlets that have formed around the party and its sympathisers. In the run-up to the election, a series of false claims spread in a chain reaction across these alternative media websites and social media channels such as Telegram. Reports, for example, were circulated claiming that the “deep state” wanted to steal the FPÖ’s victory or that centrist parties were planning to reintroduce mandatory vaccinations after the elections. AUF1, a particularly influential new rightwing channel, has aired ideas of “vaccine mass extermination” and a “deadly transhumanist agenda”. The channel was the first outlet to feature an appearance by Kickl on Sunday night after the election victory.

The FPÖ’s historic victory not only poses a risk to Austria’s minorities, independent media outlets, scientific community and democratic institutions, it also has the potential to significantly strengthen the far right in Europe and internationally. Alice Weidel of the German AfD, Marine Le Pen of the French National Rally and Geert Wilders of the Dutch Freedom party all enthusiastically congratulated the FPÖ. “The Netherlands, Hungary, Belgium, Italy, Germany, Portugal, Sweden, France, Spain, Czech Republic and today Austria! We are winning! Times are changing,” commented Wilders on X.

Despite the far-right populists’ focus on ultra-nationalism, their own networks are remarkably transnational. This global anti-globalism is not the only inconsistency in the far right’s ideology. If the stakes weren’t so high, it would be amusing that FPÖ is criticising the “corrupt mainstream media” while they were the ones who were caught wanting to sell Austria’s largest newspaper Kronen Zeitung to a Russian investor to push pro-FPÖ messaging in 2017. In addition, while Kickl publicly described the Covid vaccinations as “a genetic engineering experiment”, he was rumoured to have been secretly vaccinated against Covid (which he still denies). For a party that ordered a raid of the country’s intelligence agency BVT in 2018 and advocates policies that fundamentally contradict the pillars of the Austrian constitution, it also requires a lot of audacity to describe all other parties as anti-democratic.

As I argued in the Guardian last year, extremism has leaked into mainstream politics. With the global rise of an increasingly emboldened far right, it is more important than ever that other parties show that they are honest with their voters and can reliably translate words into action. We need a new generation of boundary-crossing leaders who can offer effective, but non-hateful solutions to the various sources of anger in previously underrepresented population groups. They must be capable of reversing the cumulative radicalisation that is threatening to break our democracies.


  • Julia Ebner is an Austrian academic and author who leads the Violent Extremism Lab at the University of Oxford’s Centre for the Study of Social Cohesion. She is also a senior fellow at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue and author of The Rage, Going Dark and Going Mainstream.