zaterdag 15 maart 2014

Return to Shoah: Claude Lanzmann's new film The Last of the Unjust revisits Holocaust epic


Claude Lanzmann made his name telling the stories of the Holocaust in the epic documentary 'Shoah'. His new film, edited from previously discarded footage, is now helping to vindicate a Rabbi who saved thousands of Jewish lives by 'assisting' Adolf Eichmann and the Nazis in wartime Austria

 
 

Claude Lanzmann's nine-hour documentary about the Holocaust, Shoah, was hailed as a masterpiece when it was released in 1985. Now, he has returned to one of his interviewees from the film – a 
Rabbi accused of collaboration with the Nazi leadership in Vienna.

It may be the toothache ("Claude is so swollen and exhausted, he needs to rest," his assistant warns me as she pushes back the interview time). 

It may be the deafness that makes catching questions so difficult. It may just be an antipathy to his British interviewer. Whatever the reason, the 88-year-old French filmmaker appears to be in a foul mood when he finally agrees to speak.

Claude Lanzmann is best known to the British for Shoah – and for his magnificently entertaining, vainglorious autobiography, The Patagonian Hare (published in English in 2012), in which he details his experiences in the French Resistance as a very young man, his friendship with Jean-Paul Sartre and his love affair (and mountain-climbing expeditions) with Simone De Beauvoir, as well as his long struggles to complete Shoah.

There was nothing abstract or academic about Lanzmann's desire to make Shoah. He himself could easily have died in the Nazi camps. There is a passage early in his autobiography in which he describes an incident during his time in the Resistance. Late in the war, he was almost arrested while moving a trailer full of munitions and grenades across the countryside. His companion, a man called Bagelman, was armed but was too terrified to use his weapon. In the event, his father, also in the Resistance, appeared on a bicycle and intervened to save Lanzmann and the hapless Bagelman.

Lanzmann writes about meeting Bagelman once after the war and not being able to "utter a single word" to him because of his "criminal lack of courage, his inability to act and save our lives, the responsibility with which he had been formally entrusted".
I ask Lanzmann about the incident and why he was so severe toward Bagelman, who had clearly been scared out of his wits and who couldn't bring himself to shoot another man.

"He was an accomplice of a crime, this man," Lanzmann states categorically. If his father hadn't turned up by chance and started to shoot, he adds, "I would have been sent immediately to Auschwitz".

Lanzmann was "absolutely contemporary to the Shoah" (as he writes in The Patagonian Hare) and close to becoming one of its victims. Nonetheless, he had put the "terrifying reality" of the slaughter to the back of his mind. Before he embarked on the project that has come to define his life and career, he was a highly successful author and investigative journalist. "The terror it [the Shoah] evoked in me whenever I dared to think about it had consigned it to a different time, almost to another world, light years away, beyond human time," he wrote.

The idea for Shoah came not from him, but from his friend Alouph Hareven, director-general of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who, in 1973, had admired Lanzmann's documentary, Why Israel, and suggested Lanzmann was the only person who could make Shoah. However, Lanzmann made the film entirely on his own terms. 

This was a huge endeavour and before he could even start, he realised he needed a vast body of knowledge. The epiphany was that the subject of his film "would be death itself, death rather than survival". The Herculean challenge he set himself was for his film to "take the place of the non-existent images of death in the gas chambers". He didn't use archive material for the simple reason that images of death in the gas chambers were non-existent.
Claude Lanzmann and Benjamin Murmelstein in 'The Last of the Just' (Rex Features)Claude Lanzmann and Benjamin Murmelstein in 'The Last of the Just' (Rex Features)


Shoah took more than a decade to complete. Since its release in 1985, Lanzmann has made additional films that have been linked to it, among them, A Visitor from the Living (1999), Sobibór,
October 14, 1943, 4pm (2001), and The Karski Report (2010). 

Shoah, as The New Yorker recently wrote, is "not, of course, the end of Lanzmann's life or career, but it is his defining act".

Now, Lanzmann has come full circle, completing a new documentary, The Last of the Unjust, which is largely based around one of the very first interviews he did during the preparation for Shoah. Its subject is Benjamin Murmelstein, a Viennese Rabbi whom Lanzmann met over a week in Rome in 1975.

Murmelstein, who died in 1989, has been extremely badly treated by history. In 1944, the Nazis had made him what they sneeringly called the "elder of the Jews", their point of contact in Theresienstadt, a so-called "model ghetto" in Czechoslovakia that was in existence from November 1941 until the spring of 1945.

As Lanzmann's documentary demonstrates, Rabbi Murmelstein saved thousands of lives. He worked with the Germans for pragmatic and humanitarian reasons, first in Austria assisting senior Nazi officer Adolf Eichmann in organising deportations through the Central Office for Jewish Emigration, and then in Theresienstadt itself.

By keeping the ghetto going until the end of the war, he saved its inhabitants from the death marches ordered by Hitler. Nonetheless, at the end of the war, he was accused of being a collaborator by some survivors and arrested by the Czechs. Although there was no evidence against him, his reputation was ruined. Influential Israeli philosopher Gershom Scholem suggested that Murmelstein should be hanged.

The Last of the Unjust (which screened at the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam last year) vindicates its subject. The Murmelstein we see in Lanzmann's film is erudite, ironic, extremely articulate and with a huge frame of reference. He is also heroic.

"These long hours of interviews, rich in first-hand revelations, have continued to dwell in my mind and haunt me," Lanzmann writes in an intertitle at the start of The Last of the Unjust. For years, he "backed away from the difficulties of constructing such a film", but eventually decided that he had no right to keep Murmelstein's testimony to himself.

Lanzmann gives me an interview from behind his office desk in his apartment on the Rue Boulard, in the Montparnasse district of Paris. He has asked for an interpreter, although he ends up answering most of the questions in English.

In The Last of the Unjust, the rapport between the interviewer and his subject is evident. They clearly enjoyed one another's company. Murmelstein was very happy to encounter someone like Lanzmann, who shared his own fierce intelligence. There is a very touching moment at the end of the 1975 interviews showing Lanzmann and Murmelstein in Rome, walking off into the distance. Lanzmann puts his hand round Murmelstein. They're like Claude Rains and Humphrey Bogart at the end of Casablanca.

"I consider that he [Murmelstein] was an extraordinary man, a marvellous man, intelligent, full of intelligence, full of culture and of wit. I liked him very much," Lanzmann says.

This, though, wasn't the beginning of a "beautiful friendship" – the director freely admits that he didn't know what to do with the interview material which, in the end, wasn't used in Shoah. Murmelstein, according to his son, was "disappointed, but not too much surprised" to have been cut out eventually from Lanzmann's epic documentary.

"To start Shoah meant to make many trips in Germany, for instance, dangerous trips with the [old Nazis], in Poland and everywhere in the world," the director reflects. "I did not think of Murmelstein at this time. I put it [the interview] aside completely. When I started shooting [Shoah] in 1981, I did not know what to do with Murmelstein, because it did not fit with the rest of the film. Shoah is an epic film."

Lanzmann made Shoah without "one single word of commentary". The film is based around the testimony of witnesses – the camp survivors, Polish farmers and former Nazis. The film took five years to edit and 12 years in all to complete. If he had tried to include Murmelstein, "it would have taken me six hours more. It would have been totally impossible".

The director describes himself as 'a close friend of Israel' (Corbis)The director describes himself as 'a close friend of Israel' (Corbis)



In the end, after discussion with Holocaust scholar Raul Hilberg, Lanzmann lodged the Murmelstein material with the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington.

To the director's fury, some of his interview with Murmelstein was subsequently screened in public without his permission. "I was incensed. It is my work, my face, my voice," he recalls. "At this time, I said, OK, if someone has to make a film about this, I will do it myself, nobody else!"

In The Last of the Unjust, Lanzmann himself shares the screen with Murmelstein. Alongside the 1975 interview material, there is recently-shot footage of the director revisiting the site of Theresienstadt. We see him at a deserted, provincial railway station. "Who in the world today knows the name of Bohusovice," the director in his late eighties, but still a formidable presence, asks as he walks the platform where, between November 1941 and the spring of 1945, 140,000 Jews were "disembarked".

"It is not a historical film," Lanzmann explains his own presence at the centre of The Last of the Unjust. "No, it is me, Claude Lanzmann, who made a film called Shoah and who made many other films about this – it is my concept, my problem. My implication in the film is absolute and total. There are three protagonists in the film, three actors. There is Murmelstein, there is Claude Lanzmann and there is... Claude Lanzmann. I am two. I am at the age of 50 and I am at my age now."

I ask Lanzmann if he was surprised by quite how closely Murmelstein worked with Adolf Eichmann over a prolonged period. He is angry at the question, which he takes as an implicit criticism of his subject.

"Monsieur, I will answer you. He [Murmelstein] saved the lives of 123,000 Jews. He rescued them," he states. "You have no idea what was [like] the occupation of Austria by the Nazis. He succeeded. He was himself pulling the strings. He was more intelligent than the Germans. He was able to foresee what they were preparing."

In the documentary, Murmelstein makes it very clear that Eichmann was heavily involved, in 1938, in the events of Kristallnacht ('the Night of Broken Glass') when the Nazis launched attacks against Jews and Jewish businesses. 

At Eichmann's trial in 1961, Murmelstein was astonished by the conclusion that he didn't participate. Murmelstein himself had seen Eichmann during Kristallnacht, commanding a team that was destroying a synagogue with hammers and axes.
"He [Murmelstein] explained that the Eichmann trial was a false trial. It was a very bad trial made by people full of prejudice and ignorance."

Murmelstein had the chance to flee Austria before the war. He could have emigrated to Israel, the US or Britain and led a quiet life as an academic or "well-settled rabbi". Instead, he chose to stay at the heart of the storm. He talks in the film of his "thirst for adventure" which kept him in Austria. By staying, and working with Eichmann (whom he detested) he was able to help other Jews to obtain exit visas and to flee.

"He [Murmelstein] fought like hell against the Nazis. He was accused at the end of the war by stupid Jews – because there were many stupid Jews, excuse me – because he refused to establish lists... He said to the Germans, 'You are stronger than us, if you want to kill us, kill us, but I will not give you names. I will not tell you who to kill, or who not to kill'."

Lanzmann is predictably dismissive of the writer and political theorist Hannah Arendt's reporting on Eichmann's trial and her coining of the phrase, "the banality of evil", that has since become a cliché.

"The 'banality of evil'? The most stupid sentence I ever heard," the filmmaker rages. "The banality of evil is the banality of the own conclusions by Mrs Arendt. That's all. It is totally meaningless."
By now, Lanzmann is irritated with the interview. "I cannot stand people with prejudice," he tells me. "It seems to me that you are prejudiced. I have the feeling that you didn't grasp what I wanted to convey with this film."

The director (who describes himself as "a close friend of Israel") likens me to some of the Israeli Jews who were hostile to Murmelstein. "They were very wrong. I will tell them," he says in advance of a planned trip to Israel for the premiere of the film there.
Lanzmann (on the left) dining in a Paris restaurant in 1964 with Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir (Corbis)Lanzmann (on the left) dining in a Paris restaurant in 1964 with Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir (Corbis)
My only problem with The Last of the Unjust, which is a magnificent, complex and moving documentary, is one of timing. It has finally appeared 40 years after Lanzmann completed the original interview, and a full 25 years after Murmelstein's death.

Following my interview with Lanzmann, I contacted Murmelstein's son, Wolf Murmelstein, by email. Wolf confirmed how difficult his father's life was in Rome. From 1947 until 1949, Murmelstein sold lightbulbs for a living. From 1950 until 1973, he eked out an existence as a furniture salesman. On his death in 1989, Rome's Chief Rabbi Toaff refused to allow him a proper Jewish burial or to say the Kaddish (the Jewish prayer of the dead) for him. Murmelstein had yearned to go to Israel, but had never been able to fulfil that ambition.

If Lanzmann's interview material with him had been included in Shoah, or if The Last of the Unjust had been completed earlier, it is inconceivable that Rabbi Toaff would have treated Murmelstein with such scorn. As his son puts it, "the delay is regrettable".

In 1981, Wolf Murmelstein recalls, Lanzmann had contacted his father to tell him that the interviews in Rome would still have a "big role" in Shoah. In the event, this was not the case.

The Last of the Unjust sets the record straight. Murmelstein's reputation has been restored definitively – but posthumously.
I ask Lanzmann how younger audiences who haven't seen Shoah respond to the film and the events it depicts.

"I am not afraid by the new generation. They understand," the director pronounces. "When Shoah was released for the first time in Israel, young people who were brought up in a Zionist way to defend oneself understood completely," he says of the idea of obeying to survive. "The only ones who had a problem in front of Shoah were the teachers. The teachers were stupid! You should know this. It will be the same here [with The Last of the Unjust]. The young people will understand perfectly.

As The Jerusalem Post recently wrote of Lanzmann, The Last of the Unjust "seems to be the final step in his long quest to understand the Holocaust". At the Israeli premiere of the documentary in January, Lanzmann described the film as an attempt to clear the name of a man "unjustly cursed". That is a mission that he accomplishes beyond any doubt. It is just a pity that the exoneration has been so long in coming.

The UK release date of 'The Last of the Unjust' is yet to be set. 'Shoah' is available in a four-DVD set from Eureka Entertainment

Claude Lanzmann: biography
Born Paris, 27 November, 1925
Family His Jewish family immigrated to France from Eastern Europe before his birth. Lanzmann’s father was a French Resistance leader.
Lanzmann married German writer and actress Angelika Schrobsdorff in 1971, after the collapse of his marriage to actress Judith Magre.
Education Studied philosophy in France and Germany, and held a lectureship at the University of Berlin in 1948/49.
Work In 1952, joined ‘Les Temps Modernes’, the journal founded by Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir.
In 1970, shot his first film, ‘Why Israel’.
In 1985, released his Holocaust epic, ‘Shoah’.
In 2011, awarded the French Legion of Honour.
ELLIE PIPE


My comments :

Robert Bleeker 0 seconds ago
For me watching "The Shoah" was a once in a lifetime encounter with "the taste of WWII", that I will never forget.

So I will recommend that documentary to anyone who might show the slightest interest in (the crime of) the industry of ideologically-inspired mass-killing....

One can easily download the parts of the Shoah from the WWW, so the obtain-ability will not form any excuse of not watching this epic testimony.

A testimony - mostly from unsuspected sources, like the inhabitants of the villages where the death-camps had been established - made of course mainly in the light of systematical denial from the extreme neo-nazi right..

And before I will be stoned to death by Israel-critics : I do consider "Israel" simply and squarely as a colony from the West, that - along the historic lines of de-colonialism - in the end will be returned to the indigenous Palestines... 

I am also highly aware of the fact, that "the holocaust" by some lobby-groups is being "brutally "exploited as Finkelstein/Chomsky/Hilberg stated in the famous book by them on the subject.

d.d. 15-03-2014 / 17:15 UK time


http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/films/features/return-to-shoah-claude-lanzmanns-new-film-the-last-of-the-unjust-revisits-holocaust-epic-9190209.html

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dinsdag 11 maart 2014

Who’s Really Behind Ukraine’s Synagogue Attacks?


Surprisingly, Jewish leaders aren’t blaming the local neo-Nazis.
Ukraine’s tiny Jewish community is once again feeling under siege. But the Jewish leaders are not blaming the local neo-Nazis who participated in the recent revolution there; rather, these leaders believe that pro-Russian provocateurs are behind the attacks on their synagogues.
On Thursday evening, just hours before Russian troops poured into the Ukrainian province of Crimea, vandals spray painted swastikas and “death to Jews” on theonly Reform synagogue in Crimea’s capital, Simferopol. Last month, another synagogue in the the Ukrainian city of Zaporizhiya was attacked by a mob who threw Molotov cocktails near the synagogue’s entrance. In January, a Hebrew school teacher named Hillel Wertheimer was beaten after returning from synagogue to his home in Kiev.
Ukraine has never been a very good country for the Jews. The 19th and early 20th centuries were marred by pogroms against Jewish communities. Under Soviet occupation, many Jews that stayed in Ukraine faced the state sponsored anti-Semitism of the Communist system. More recently, a few neo-Nazi groups have openly participated in the popular uprising that ousted President Viktor Yanukovych baring at times swastikas.
Nonetheless, leaders of Ukraine’s small Jewish community (experts estimate there are between 80,000 and 350,000 Jews in Ukraine) say they are more worried about anti-Semitic attacks from Russian operatives and Yanukovych loyalists than the nationalists who gathered in Kiev and other cities to oust him.
“In general, in Ukraine there have not been many of these attacks and less than in Western Europe and Europe as a whole,” Joseph Zissels, the president of the Ukrainian Jewish community known as the Vaad, said in a phone interview from Kiev. Zissels added it’s unclear who has been behind these attacks, but he suspects the recent vandalism against synagogues was provocations from Russian or pro-Russian forces who sought to occupy his country.
Rabbi Jacob Dov Bleich, the president of the Jewish Federation of Ukraine, signed a letter with other Ukrainian religious leaders Monday to the Russian federation urging them to end the aggression against Ukraine.
“This is a provocation and a way to discredit the authorities in Kiev.”
Speaking of the recent vandalism of the synagogue in Simferopol, Zissels said, “This is a provocation and a way to discredit the authorities in Kiev.”
The Rabbi of the Tamid synagogue in Crimea that was attacked last week agreed. He told the Times of Israel in an interview that he was urging Jews around the world to show solidarity with Ukraine and vocally oppose Russia’s invasion of Crimea. “We are very poor and miserable, but it’s not a question of money, it’s a question of freedom,” said Rabbi Michael Kapustin.
Zissels said he was more worried for the Muslim majority Tartar community in Crimea than he was for the 17,000 Jews who are estimated to live there. “The Jews in Crimea are not choosing any side in this conflict, so I do not think they are threatened,” he said.
The handful of attacks is also drawing attention from global Jewish organizations.  “Our concern is that anti-Semitic elements not exploit the unrest to commit acts of violence against individual Jews or Jewish institutions,” said Ronald Lauder, the president of the World Jewish Congress in a statement Monday. “The future of East Central Europe depends on the maintenance of comity among diverse communities. We cannot afford a return of the demons of the past.”
Charles Ascher Small, the director of the Institute for the study of Global Anti-Semitism and Policy, also said he was worried. “Not too far beneath the surface are old hatreds that are not only brought upon the Jewish community in Ukraine but once unleashed they could affect the entire society,” he told The Daily Beast Monday.
Zissels said he was aware that some elements of the Ukrainian Maidan movement that ousted Yanukovych were enthusiasts of the Nazis. But he also said Russian propaganda has exaggerated the role of neo-Nazis in the new Ukrainian government. “There are those kinds of groups, but they are small, not well organized and do not play a major role,” he said. “There are more neo-Nazi groups in Russia than there are in Ukraine.”
The Ukrainian revolution has attracted tourists from all ideological stripes, including other European fascist parties. Members of the main Ukrainian fascist party known as Svoboda have received posts atop the new interim government including the defense, environmental and agricultural ministries. Zissels pointed out that a number of Jews are now governors in the new Ukrainian government. “One of the main candidates for presidents, Vitali Klitschko has Jewish roots. His grandmother is Jewish,” he said.
Zissels also said websites affiliated with Yanukovych supporters had initially tried to blame the popular uprisings in the country that have raged since November on the Jews. “Now of course Yanukovych is not in power, but there is the possibility of his loyalists provoking the Jewish population,” he said.
For now, Zissels said he does not have much faith President Obama will do much to save his native Ukraine. “I don’t believe Obama can do anything that will be useful or effective,” he said. “But if he could do anything I would want him to end the Russian occupation of Ukraine. But I think only Reagan among the American presidents is the one who could do that.”
http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/03/03/who-s-really-behind-ukraine-s-synagogue-attacks.html



maandag 10 maart 2014

Ukraine: The Rise of Yatsenyuk...

05 Aug 2009


Arseniy Yatseniuk, courtesy of Nataliya Kravchuk/Wikipedia
A fourth figure has entered the political melee in Kiev: a young economist named Arseniy Yatsenyuk, and he is snapping at the heels of populist candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko, Ben Judah writes for ISN Security Watch.
By Ben Judah in Kiev for ISN
Since the 2004 Orange Revolution, Kiev has been dominated by the failing President Viktor Yushchenko, the populist Yulia Tymoshenko and Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the ethnic-Russian backed Party of Regions. Now a serious fourth man has entered the race for the presidency, and with elections due to be held in January 2010, the young, highly qualified and economics-minded Arseniy Yatsenyuk is giving the rest a run for their money.
There is a sour mood of failed revolution amid economic turmoil in Ukraine.
Markian Bilynskyj, head of the prominent US-Ukraine Foundation think tank, cuts ‘orange revolutionaries’ Tymoshenko and Yushchenko little slack.
“Things have not greatly improved here since 2004. In many ways things are worse than they were then,” he tells ISN Security Watch. “Yushchenko claims that he brought freedom of speech and civil society to Ukraine. This is ridiculous as that was already there. All that was needed was for the government to stop interfering. That’s why I feel taking credit for this is as absurd as Yushchenko claiming to be responsible for the sun rising.” 
A stroll along Khrestatyk, Kiev’s attractive main boulevard, reveals a similar attitude. Dmytri is in his mid-twenties and trying to make it as a computer specialist. He is disillusioned. “When the Orange Revolution occurred I believed the promises they made for economic transformation. Nothing actually changed. Politics is still populist and I’ve entered the green-card lottery to work in the United States,” he tells ISN Security Watch.
At the International Centre for Policy Studies, Viktor Chumak believes that western misinterpretations of Ukraine stem from mistaking poor caricatures for political realities. He tells ISN Security Watch: “It is not really true that there is a pro-Russian and pro-western political division in the country. These parties are in reality electoral cartels trying to benefit from the polarization of the electorate around the language issue, backed both by different sets of oligarchs. If you look at the manifesto of the so-called pro-Russian Party of Regions you will see that it actually favors EU membership. Indeed, it was the policies of Yushchenko that actually opened up the country to Russian capital.”
Enter Arseniy
It is this mood on which Arseniy Yatsenyuk is attempting to capitalize. Young and charismatic, he has managed to hold an impressive amount of portfolios in Ukrainian politics, including parliamentary speaker and Central Bank head. He is mostly known as an economic liberal and favors a middle-road between Russia and the West in foreign policy. Recent moves by his rivals have strengthened his position.
According to Chumak, Tymoshenko’s recent attempts to change the constitution or strike a deal with Yanukovych “have damaged her.
“People previously disappointed with Yushchenko used to switch their votes to Tymoshenko, but now they have no choice but to back Yatsenyuk.”
With Yushchenko’s poll ratings hovering between 2 percent and 3 percent, his can clearly be qualified as at least an electorally failed presidency. Chumak says he believes that Yatsenyuk fits the bill. “He is young, economics-minded and good looking. All he has to do is let his opponents fight it out.”
In the past few weeks, Yatsenyuk’s campaign has picked up momentum.  Having announced his intention to run for the presidency, a billboard campaign has since swept Ukraine. In camouflage green and black tones, emblazoned with his face and the slogan “To Save the Country,” these posters have been the political talk of the town. Strangely having just “Arseniy” as the tag-line, there has been confusion as to what they stand for. 
Viktor Levy, an art student, shared his thoughts. “At first I thought it was a new Ukrainian action movie. Or maybe a perfume.”
These same amorphous qualities have had a negative impact amongst Kiev’s intellectual elite. A well-placed source tells ISN Security Watch that Yatsenyuk’s personal decisions on the poster campaign had gravely disappointed him, suggesting authoritarian streaks and populism.
“You may laugh, but what he is trying to do is be like Obama,” Bilynskyj says.
Despite having irritated some natural supporters, Yatsenyuk is very much in the running according to the polls. He has been gaining an impressive 2-3 percent a month since late 2008. According to Ukraine’s premiere polling organization, the Kiev International Institute for Sociology, his ratings are at 17.6 percent. This puts him just behind Tymoshenko with 21.5 percent. Both candidates are dividing the former ‘orange vote.’ Yanukovych support is at around 34.7 percent, having declined slightly from 37.9 percent in April.
Tellingly, the same data-set suggests that Yatsenyuk might fare better in the second round of the elections that Tymoshenko. A Yanukovych vs Tymoshenko fight would see the votes split 57 percent to 40 percent against her. A Yanukovych vs Yatsenyuk battle sees the Party of Regions down to 55 percent and Yatsenyuk to 42 percent.
Problems ahead
Yatsenyuk has two major issues that will come to a head before the elections. Firstly he is Jewish, which according to political analyst Taras Kuzio, could pose a major problem. There has been a recent, though rather quiet, campaign launched against Tymoshenko by the extreme right, which has called her the "Jew with the braid." This could be a taste of things to come. The remark against her gives one the ability to imagine how Yatsenyuk’s bona fide Jewish origins could become the brunt of anti-Semitic remarks during the campaign,” Kuzio says. More broadly the extreme right, such as Oleh Tyahnybok’s Freedom Party, has been boosted thanks for the financial crisis.
Yatsenyuk’s Judaism is not his only identity related political problem. Members of his family were prominent in the Ukrainian nationalist movement, which will doubtless cost him votes in the country’s Russian-speaking east.
His main problem, however, remains one of organization. Both Tymoshenko and Yanukovych have well-established party machines, with local offices and loyal supporters to draw upon. Yatsenyuk lacks these, though is busy remedying that.
A pro-western political consultant close to Yatsenyuk tells ISN Security Watch on condition of anonymity that “though I believe that Yatsenyuk is the best candidate, there is very little organization, things are quite shambolic, he hasn’t been talking to journalists enough and there is little support on the ground.
“Because I want to stop Yanukovych coming to power at all costs, I might have to end up working for Tymoshenko,” she conceded. 
For the moment, politics hangs in the balance in Kiev. It will be an up-hill struggle for Yatsenyuk to break the mould, but for the time being he seems to be doing remarkably well.

Ben Judah is a senior correspondent for ISN Security Watch, currently reporting from Russia and the Caucasus. He has reported for the Associated Press; and his work has also featured in the Economist Online, the New Republic Online and in Standpoint Magazine.


http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Articles/Detail//?lng=en&id=103593