donderdag 22 oktober 2020

Hunter Biden, Rudy Giuliani and the ‘hard drive from hell’


Hunter Biden, Rudy Giuliani and the ‘hard drive from hell’

President Donald Trump is preparing to level a fusillade of allegations against Joe Biden and his son during Thursday's debate. Here's what we know.



Rudy Giuliani has been at the center of the controversy over Hunter Biden’s laptop. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images


It’s 2016 all over again: Donald Trump and his allies are touting a set of purloined documents to accuse his Democratic opponent of corruption, and the specter of foreign interference hangs over the waning days of the race.

This time, it’s Joe Biden in Trump’s sights. And it’s the president’s own allies controlling the timing and content of the releases, prompting accusations from Democrats of bad faith and dirty dealing.

Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, has said he obtained the materials from the laptop of Hunter Biden, the Democratic nominee’s son. They have not been reviewed or verified by POLITICO — and there are questions about the New York Post’s reporting on the matter, as well as the tabloid and other Trump-friendly outlets’ interpretations of events. There are concerns, too, about the former New York mayor’s interactions with figures linked by Trump’s own administration to Russian intelligence.

For those not steeped in the byzantine maze of reporting on Hunter Biden, the story can be pretty hard to follow. No evidence has emerged, beyond the purported correspondence, that the former VP was involved in or profited from his son’s overseas work or abused his position to support it. That hasn’t stopped Trump from hyping the laptop leaks, saying they make “crooked Hillary Clinton look like an amateur,” and urging his attorney general to prosecute Biden, among other prominent Democrats.

The president, trailing in polls with less than two weeks to Election Day, has foreshadowed a plan to fixate on the subject during Thursday’s final presidential debate — making it the focal point of his closing argument. And Giuliani promised Thursday that he is “preparing much bigger dumps off of the hard drive from hell” over the next few days.

Here’s what you need to know:

1. What do the emails show?

It’s not totally clear. The New York Post, which published the first installments of the leaked emails, claimed they proved Joe Biden met with an adviser to Ukrainian energy company Burisma, where Hunter Biden was a board member. But the emails alone don’t substantiate the claim.

In the key email, the Ukrainian adviser, Vadym Pozharskyi, in choppy English, thanks Hunter Biden for “the opportunity” to meet his father in Washington. Trump and his allies have deemed that correspondence the “smoking gun” email, because they allege it explains why Biden took an action that seemed to benefit the company: pushing for the ouster of former Ukrainian prosecutor Viktor Shokin in 2015. They also say the email proves the former VP lied when he said he hadn’t discussed his son’s business affairs.

There are major holes in this narrative. Shokin was not actively investigating Burisma at the time of his dismissal, and it was the widely held position of the international community — not just Biden’s view — that the Ukrainian prosecutor was corrupt. Even Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who has been investigating the Bidens, supported Shokin’s ouster and reform of the prosecutor’s office at the time. Last year, a parade of high-level State Department and national security officials testified under oath that removing Shokin would increase the odds of a serious investigation of Burisma.

On a more basic level, there is still no proof the email is real — Pozharskyi has not replied to multiple requests for comment about whether he wrote it — or that such a meeting ever occurred. Biden aides have strenuously denied any such meeting ever happened.

2. OK, what about the China stuff?

Trump and his allies have also cited another email exchange, purportedly from May 2017, that appears related to Hunter Biden’s business dealings in China. In it, a consultant named James Gilliar alludes to possible equity distribution as part of a deal with CEFC China Energy Co., which was reportedly closely aligned with the Chinese government but has since gone bankrupt.

In that email, Gilliar writes, "10 held by H for the big guy?" Another email from August 2017 purportedly from Hunter says the deal had become “much more interesting to me and my family” because it included a share of “the equity and profits.”

Fox News has since reported, citing anonymous sources, that “the big guy” is a reference to Joe Biden. But there is no evidence that Hunter Biden ever struck a deal with the Chinese company, let alone that his father got a cut—income from China does not appear in Biden’s tax returns, including from the year of the alleged transaction.

3. Why are other media outlets still skeptical?

First of all, other outlets haven’t gotten their hands on Hunter’s supposed hard drive, and the Trump allies who say they have it have ensured it stays that way.

In the meantime, there are still enormous gaps in the story about how these emails came to light, whether they’re all authentic and whether they actually reveal wrongdoing. Some of that uncertainty is a result of the steel-trap silence of Hunter Biden’s attorney and the reluctance of Biden allies to publicly address them. Neither Biden nor his attorney, for instance, have said whether Hunter Biden really did drop off waterlogged laptops and a hard drive at a Delaware repair shop, or whether the reported emails are authentic or not.

However, there are giant blinking warning signs about the documents, their provenance and the timing of their disclosure. For one: The primary driver of the episode is Giuliani. Giuliani has been seeking to obtain and promote anti-Biden material for two years, consorting with foreign actors deemed by U.S. intelligence and the State Department to be corrupt.

Giuliani traveled to Ukraine last December and met with Andrii Derkach, a Ukrainian lawmaker. The intelligence community and Treasury recently labeled him a longtime Russian operative. Intel agencies have already assessed that Russia’s efforts to interfere in the 2020 election, in part through Derkach, are intended to damage Joe Biden and aid Trump’s reelection. For months, Derkach has been peddling allegations of criminality against Biden that are remarkably similar to the broad strokes of the initial New York Post story.

According to congressional aides, there is bipartisan skepticism within the Senate Intelligence Committee about the documents. For one, lawmakers in both parties believe the information released has all of the basic hallmarks of a foreign intelligence operation, especially due to the proximity to the election. The intelligence panel is actively involved in seeking clarity on the subject.

But lawmakers are expressing doubt that these questions could be cleared up before the election, given that it is less than two weeks away.

Then there’s the credibility of the people making the allegations. Two of Giuliani’s associates in his Ukraine endeavors, Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman, were indicted last October on campaign finance charges, and Giuliani was at one time — and perhaps still is — under federal investigation for his work with the duo. Giuliani is also collaborating on the release of Hunter Biden’s material with former Trump aide Steve Bannon, who was recently indicted for allegedly bilking a nonprofit intended to help fund Trump’s border wall.

And The New York Times recently revealed the inner machinations of the New York Post newsroom as it began crafting stories about Hunter Biden’s emails. Per the Times, veteran reporters refused to put their names on the story, and one of the two reporters whose names appeared on the byline didn’t realize she would be included as a coauthor until after the stories ran.

4. Is the laptop Russian disinformation?

We don’t know. Trump allies, who insist the laptop has shown evidence of criminality by the Bidens, have derided claims that the material is “disinformation” from Russia. And Trump’s top intelligence community official, John Ratcliffe, has flatly declared that there is no evidence the emails are Russian disinformation at all. The FBI has declined to weigh in publicly.

On Capitol Hill, the Senate Intelligence Committee has been told the same from Ratcliffe’s office, according to the panel’s acting chair, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.). But the Florida Republican struck a skeptical tone about the issue, noting that the FBI has primary jurisdiction when a “U.S. person” is involved.

“That’s probably part of the confusion,” Rubio told POLITICO. Indeed, a domestic criminal probe would not be within the Senate Intelligence Committee’s jurisdiction; but a foreign intelligence operation is a counterintelligence issue that would fall under the panel’s purview.

Rubio’s counterpart on the committee, Vice Chair Mark Warner (D-Va.), declined to say whether he believes the controversy amounts to Russian disinformation.

“As we get closer to the election, I think all Americans need to be on guard,” Warner said.

Though lawmakers and dozens of former intel officials have claimed the Hunter Biden document dump bears all the hallmarks of a Russian disinformation campaign, there are still too many unanswered questions about the material, how it came to light and whether it is authentic. One thing is clear: The FBI itself has not ruled out whether the provenance of the laptop has a foreign hand, and it’s still looking into the matter.

In a letter to Johnson on Tuesday, the FBI’s legislative affairs chief said it had “nothing to add” to Ratcliffe’s statement, saying only that the bureau would brief lawmakers “if actionable intelligence is developed.” Congressional aides cautioned that just because there is no “actionable intelligence” yet does not mean it does not exist. Moreover, the FBI is not expected to confirm or deny the existence of an investigation so close to the presidential election.

Still, Senate Judiciary Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said in an interview this week that he plans to ask the FBI for a classified briefing on the matter. He acknowledged that “the fact pattern as described sounds suspicious,” especially due to the proximity to the election, but noted that the authenticity of many of the emails has been verified.

“I think the best thing to do is to let the professionals look it over and give us their opinion,” Graham said, adding that he is “very leery of Russian disinformation.”

But even ruling out Russian “disinformation” wouldn't be sufficient to foreclose foreign interference. There was little doubt in 2016 about the authenticity of emails hacked and released by Russians from the Democratic Party and top Clinton aide John Podesta.

5. Is it an effective weapon for Trump?

Every precious second Trump spends attempting to reconstruct the convoluted saga of Hunter Biden is one fewer he’s spending on the issues voters have repeatedly told pollsters are most important to them: the coronavirus response and the subsequent economic turmoil.

Yes, Trump’s die-hard base has tracked every nuanced turn of the Hunter Biden allegations, often through the prism of Trump-friendly media outlets, and they love his vows to prosecute the Bidens, Barack Obama and other prominent Democrats he claims have spent the last four years trying to topple him. Those unfounded allegations have driven some congressional inquiries, too, from the president’s allies on both sides of the Capitol.

Still, Democrats worry about how it could affect the presidential race. On a Senate Democratic caucus call on Tuesday morning, senators discussed the possibility of additional disclosures before the election, and emphasized the importance of remaining on guard as the Trump campaign seeks to weaponize the issue, according to two people familiar with the call.

Biden’s aides, meanwhile, are privately telling reporters that if the president wants to go down the Hunter Biden rabbit hole, they can live with it. We’ll know soon enough whether that’s self-serving spin — or a shrewd read of the electorate.

https://www.politico.com/news/2020/10/22/hunter-biden-giuliani-hard-drive-431022

HOW QANON CREPT INTO THE MIND OF DONALD TRUMP AND TURNED CONSPIRACY INTO REALITY

 






HOW QANON CREPT INTO THE MIND OF DONALD TRUMP AND TURNED CONSPIRACY INTO REALITY

The wild and impossible theories that fuel QAnon are as dangerous as if they are real.

OCTOBER 14, 2020

She saw shadows. She always had. She was spiritual, not Christian—she’d left that behind when she’d left Waco, in her early 20s. She got into Wicca, “super witchy,” says a friend. “She was fun, happy, a little wild. Just a normal girl.” I’ll call her Evelyn, because she’s in a sense a hostage now, a captive of her beliefs. There are Evelyns everywhere. This Evelyn was in Austin. She worked when she could, sometimes she danced, stripped. She had a boyfriend who took care of her. She’d never had much luck holding on to a job. She’d bounce back and forth between her family in Waco and her friends in the city, right to left, red to blue. She was bright—a good listener, says one friend, a liberal lawyer whom Evelyn called “freedom fighter.” She was gullible, says another friend, the one who introduced Evelyn to QAnon not long into the pandemic, “for shits and giggles.”

Which is how Evelyn came to believe that the shadows she’d seen within Wicca as the nuances of life were actually the satanic forces that Q—thought by devotees to be a government insider “dropping” cryptic clues via chat forums about Donald Trump’s decades-old plan to destroy the deep state—believes control the Democratic Party. She “followed the white rabbit,” as QAnon believers put it, she “went down the rabbit hole.” She came to believe that the darkness to which she’d always been sensitive was not part of the light but at war with it. That the shadows had become flesh and that the flesh had become politics and that the love of Trump she’d embraced because she loved her family, abandoning her once-liberal views, required the hatred of his enemies: the “cabal.” Child-sacrificing Democratic elites, a monstrous network not just of pedophiles but of cannibals, harvesters of children’s adrenal glands (all the better to stay youthful), for an evil concoction one part Botox and two parts blood libel, the old idea that Jews make matzo from the blood of Christian babies.

Do I need to say none of this is true? I do. But the delusion is every bit as dangerous as if it were.

On the morning of August 12, Evelyn decided it was time to #SaveTheChildren, as the hashtag that’s been co-opted by Q puts it. She got into her ancient little red two-door Pontiac Fiero. She’d been drinking—she’d later test at twice the limit—but that didn’t slow her down. She’d been awake for days, researching. That’s what QAnon followers call their hours committed to YouTube videos and podcasts and deep study. The algorithms fed her. She fed the algorithms, making memes for Twitter and Instagram. She’d text her findings to her friends. One tried to warn her: “You’re being used.”

“I’m seeing things,” she answered.

“Three a.m., 4 a.m., 5 a.m.,” says the friend who now regrets introducing Evelyn to QAnon. Evelyn didn’t realize her friend thought it was funny. Her friend didn’t know Evelyn was taking it so seriously. “One hundred percent,” says the friend now, “like the Bible, like it was gold.” When she realized what was happening, the friend tried to talk Evelyn down. “Go to sleep,” she begged. “I can’t,” Evelyn said. “I’m not sleeping till Trump does.” Like Q, she believed her president was working tirelessly to prepare for the Storm, the salvation of democracy via the executions of the cabalists, all of them.

At 9:22 that morning, Evelyn found one. It was obvious—the cabalist was driving a white van, the kind used by kidnappers in movies. Also the kind used by caterers in real life. The caterer had her young daughter with her. Evelyn jumped out at a light and began screaming. The caterer hit the gas. Evelyn got back in her Fiero and returned to the prowl. Soon she saw another shadow. A young Latinx woman driving a Dodge Caravan. Evelyn veered into the middle turning lane so she could try to force the Caravan over. The driver—a 19-year-old on her way to register for classes at community college—tried to turn into a police station. Evelyn rammed the Caravan. The student saw a cop in a parking lot. She squealed in, honking. “She kept ramming into me,” says the student. Eight times, she thinks, maybe more. “Half my body went numb.”

Had Evelyn not crashed into a concrete pylon, she might have committed murder. And if she’d done that, she might be as infamous as Kyle Rittenhouse, the 17-year-old Kenosha killer whose original defense attorney declared that Rittenhouse had fired the first shot of the “Second American Revolution.” Instead Evelyn is just a woman who went too far—or, from the point of view of QAnon, not far enough. That she might have spiraled into some different sort of chaos had Trump and Q not been there to feed her delusion shouldn’t make us feel safe. Because Trump is there, and he sees shadows too.

There are no turning points when the world is spinning out of control, so the Trump interview with Fox News’ Laura Ingraham that aired August 31—displaced by the time you read this by a dozen more distractions and disasters—did not so much mark a new low as erase altogether the meaning of pre-Trump terms such as “new low.” Now there is only the abyss. We’re all in it together, and Trump is down here too. Which is why it’s worth pausing, as we rush toward November and the certain violence that will follow any outcome, to consider Trump’s words to Ingraham.

Image may contain Finger Human Person and Hand
PHOTOGRAPHS BY GREGORY HALPERN/MAGNUM PHOTOS.

“Biden,” he says, slumped in a chair, “Biden is, I don’t even like to mention Biden”—(fact check: he does)—“because he’s not controlling anything.” This is Trump boilerplate—he’s been calling Biden a puppet since at least last fall.

Ingraham attempts to normalize. The media of which Trump approves doesn’t just parrot his words, it launders them. Ingraham asks who’s “pulling the strings.” She proposes “Obama’s people,” which is triple-ply: simultaneously a plausible suggestion of continuity; a racist dog whistle; and a bone for QAnon, followers of which know that “Obama’s people” means “pedophiliac cannibals.” It’s the kind of yes, and message that’d usually elicit a smirk from Trump, an insult comic at heart.

Not this time. He tilts forward, his hands uncharacteristically clasped between his knees, and breaks eye contact, glancing away. His voice gathers texture. “People that you’ve never heard of, people that are in the dark shadows, people—”

“Dark shadows,” says Ingraham. “What is that?” It’s not a question, it’s a redirect.

“No,” Trump says, as if he knows how he sounds. “People that you haven’t heard of,” he repeats. In the past when Trump spoke of Biden’s puppeteers, he wanted you to think you knew whom he meant. “Reasonable” Republicans understood it was Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer—just as many Democrats say Mitch McConnell controls Trump. Racists heard him calling out AOC and the Squad, impertinent women of color. And the deeper read was George Soros, maybe the Rothschilds.

But something different is happening with Ingraham. He’s not insinuating that she knows whom he’s talking about—he’s insisting she doesn’t. It’s none of the usual suspects. Nobody and everybody, nameless and everywhere. When he glances away it’s as if only he can see them, an intimate moment not between Trump and Ingraham, but between Trump and his own mind. We’re witnessing a man cross a line.

Not one of transgression—to him, such borders mean nothing—but of belief. “There are people that are on the streets,” he says. “There are people that are controlling the streets.” The “invisible enemy” he’s spoken of before, the one QAnon calls Hillary Clinton or James Comey or John Podesta. But this foe has no name.

He speaks of an airplane “in a certain city,” one full of “thugs” in “dark uniforms.” Indistinguishable; like a virus. This happened, he says, then: “They’re on a plane.” Present tense. “This is all happening.” Right now. It has the dream logic of a nursery rhyme. On the streets, in the air, dark shadows everywhere.

What Trump is describing is no more nor less exotic than the popular evangelical concept of spiritual war, the conflict thought to be raging always, around us and within, between believers and “principalities” and “powers,” according to Ephesians, or demons, in the contemporary vernacular. QAnon has translated the concept from King James into Trumpish, but Trump is no more reading Q “drops” than undead John-John, JFK Jr., is writing them. For once there’s nothing contrived about Trump’s answer. He’s not saying what he thinks MAGA wants to hear. Dark shadows is in fact the wrong answer, as Ingraham tries to signal. But he can’t hear her.

Trump used to flirt with and feed morsels to evangelicalism’s spiritual warriors and the rabbit-holers of Q. That’s when they were distinct constituencies, the Christians and the crazies. Lately they’ve been merging, the theology of Q infecting evangelicalism, the organization of the Christian right incarnating Q’s digital power. Together they’re his base; his hope; and now, maybe, his identity. He’s no longer a con artist. Now he’s his own mark, like an email scammer who clicks on his own malware. He isn’t selling a dream, he’s dreaming it. The difference between him and his believers is that he has the power to make the dream real, for them, for him, for us. To summon into being the “American carnage” he nightmared at his inauguration, the cities he said were desolate now set ablaze; the killers in the street recast as heroes, with paramilitary backup; fear a daily given; the plague risen up from legend to fill the land with ghosts. This was his dream. Now we are all nightmaring it together.

When press secretary Kayleigh McEnany was asked to explain Trump’s defense of QAnon, she insisted neither she nor the president knew a thing about it. But at the close of the interview, apropos of nothing, she said, “There’s a lot of children in this country who have died on the streets of Democrat cities. We’re focused on capturing criminals.” What was she talking about? Maybe she meant gun violence in Chicago, a favorite Trump topic, or the blond girls he describes falling prey to human “animals.” But I heard Q. I heard #SaveTheChildren. Was she signaling, I wondered? A very Q question.

I thought of a Q podcast, Praying Medic, to which I’d started listening. “This information is real, distractions are necessary,” says the Medic, explaining the need for Q’s cryptic constructions. So real it demands the poetry of myth, not the dull prose of politics. “Double meanings,” like loop-the-loops, kairos—sacred time—disguised as chronos, “ticktock,” as QAnon says. Consider the third of November, a date seemingly promised by Q in October 2017 to deliver indictments against the cabal, around which “public riots” (versus the private kind?) would be organized in an attempt to prevent their arrests. November 3, 2017, came and went sans perp walk or broken windows.

But who knows which November 3 Q meant, asks the Medic. I see the answer before he says it—there are riots now, and November is coming! Ticktock. I thought of Rittenhouse’s first shot, and his lawyer’s “Second American Revolution,” and the plastic bag his supporters claimed was a Molotov cocktail; and of Michael Reinoehl, the Portland protester who said his kill shot “felt like the beginning of a war.” I thought of “retribution,” Trump’s term for the police killing of Reinoehl. “That’s the way it has to be,” he explained. Tit-tat, ticktock. I thought of Michael R. Caputo, the Trump aide who on Facebook warned of Bidenaut hit squads and called for supporters to stock ammunition and also spoke of shadows: “Shadows on the ceiling in my apartment, there alone, shadows are so long.”And of Trump, always Trump. Masked, pawing at the window of his airtight limousine outside Walter Reed, driven by Secret Service agents in pale gowns. Unmasked, on the White House portico, breathing disease, visibly gasping. He tells us he feels better than he has in 20 years. The drugs, I thought, the steroids. But what if it’s true? What if he is growing stronger? Not electorally—more unbound? Walking deeper into his own shadow, drawing us after?

I shook it off; insane. But what about McEnany? I started listening to another Q podcast, this one a debunking, QAnon Anonymous. Its hosts also heard echoes in McEnany’s words. It was on this podcast that I learned of the woman I’m calling Evelyn. When I called one of the hosts, an artist named Julian Feeld, to ask how he’d found her, he said a listener had seen the attack in the local Waco news.

The report mentioned nothing about QAnon. But the listener wondered if there was more. Feeld didn’t wonder, he knew. He knew because he’s been listening even longer. In his voice I hear what sounds like pleasure, a kind of frightened delight in piecing together the puzzle of QAnon’s shattered mind. The Praying Medic sounds like this too, a mix of amiable and urgent that’s at odds with the history of conspiracy-mongering. Neither man grabs you by the lapels, demanding you listen. They don’t have to. So many of us already are. If you love Trump, you’re receiving the signal. If you fear him, fear he’ll never really be gone now no matter the outcome, that he’s a chronic condition or maybe a terminal one, then you’re hearing it too.

“Blood makes noise,” declares a speaker at a #SaveTheChildren rally in Los Angeles that Feeld attended and recorded, a gathering of the unexpected: white hipsters, Black men, Latinx women, mothers concerned for their children. The speaker says the blood of the children is spilled by the cabal into the earth, where it’s soaked up by the roots of trees—she doesn’t need to mention Thomas Jefferson, the tree of liberty, for patriots to hear the echo—which then grow fruit, which “we” eat. “Their blood is now inside us!” she crows, as if this is a victory. The crowd cheers. “And we cry out with”—can you hear it?—“the voice of the children!”

This is the nightmare: We are the children and the cannibals. The victims and the killers, the innocence and the revenge. Do I need to say that none of this is true? Yes. We are none of us innocent, none of us martyrs. Such words are for faith, and democracy is a practice. It may not yet be real, but it’s not a dream. It’s something you do, something we need to make, in this life, the real one.

This story has been updated.

https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2020/10/how-qanon-crept-into-the-mind-of-donald-trump

woensdag 21 oktober 2020

Trump Is Bullying Sudan Into Embracing Israel. It Won’t End Well

Opinion | 

Trump Is Bullying Sudan Into Embracing Israel. It Won’t End Well

Trump has zeroed in on Khartoum for another diplomatic ‘win’ before November. But his maximum pressure campaign is a disaster in the making – both for Sudan and for Israel


President Donald Trump gestures after speaking at a campaign rally at Prescott Regional Airport, Monday, October 19, 2020, in Prescott, Arizona.Credit: Alex Brandon,AP

As the Trump administration seeks to clinch another diplomatic breakthrough ahead of the November election, it has zeroed in on Sudan. 

Exerting heavy pressure on Khartoum to normalize relations Israel, the White House has announced Sudan's long-awaited removal from the U.S. list of State Sponsors of Terrorism, a major component in a larger package of incentives.

Although engaging in diplomatic high-handedness for the purpose of brokering peace deals is legitimate practice in international affairs, the risks in this case are considerable, both to Sudan's political future and to the very viability of peace between it and Israel.

Certainly, peaceful relations between Sudan and Israel are in the long-term interests of both parties, as indeed of the U.S. and other regional and global stakeholders.

For Israel, those interests are foremost security and geostrategic ones. Owing to its location in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea region, Sudan has been of considerable concern to Israel from the outset. 

Over the decades, Israel forged covert ties with a range of Sudanese power players for a variety of purposes – from destabilizing Nasser's regime in Egypt, to training militias for the overthrow of the Khomeini regime in Iran, to assisting in the evacuation of Ethiopian (Beta Israel) Jews stranded in Sudanese refugee camps. 

The atmosphere changed when, between 1985 and 2015, Khartoum allied itself with Tehran and began serving as a conduit for smuggled Iranian munitions to Palestinian militants, especially to the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip. Israel staged numerous air strikes inside Sudan against suspected arms convoys and at least one weapons factory.

Since Sudan cut its ties with Tehran in 2016 and, even more promisingly, replaced the regime of longtime strongman Omar al-Bashir with a Western-oriented transitional government in 2018, it has ceased posing a threat to Israel and once again begun offering strategic opportunities. In the context of peace, close cooperation with Sudan could extend Israel's Red Sea maritime corridor further south and facilitate any number of military and intelligence operations.

And while normalization with Sudan is not expected to have the same dramatic impact for Israel that the recently signed Abraham Accords with two Gulf states did, its psychological importance should not be underestimated.

King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, Egypt's president Gamal Abdel Nasser and Sudan's Prime Minister Muhammad Ahmad Mahgoub at the ‘Three No’s’ Arab League summit in Khartoum, Sudan. Sept 1, 1967
King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, Egypt's president Gamal Abdel Nasser and Sudan's Prime Minister Muhammad Ahmad Mahgoub at the 'Three No's' Arab League summit in Khartoum, Sudan. September 1, 1967Credit: - - AFP
The site of the Arab League summit that issued the "Three Nos" resolution – no peace, no recognition, no negotiation – immediately following the 1967 War, "Khartoum" has been shorthand for Arab rejectionism of Israel for over 50 years.

Indeed, far from signifying an obstacle, Sudan would now open up a "passage to Africa," providing Israelis friendly territorial contiguity across the African continent. For the first time ever, Israelis would have the possibility, at least in theory, to drive their car from their home all the way to the Cape of Good Hope. For a nation shaped by the mentality of an island in hostile seas, this is, literally, a breakthrough.

For Sudan, normalization with Israel promises significant material rewards. On the bilateral level, Israeli trade and technology transfer could be of huge value to the country's agriculture sector, which employs about 80 percent of the work force and contributes around 30 percent to its annual GDP.

Yet the benefits on the multilateral level will be the real prize. The United States has already announced its decision to lift Sudan its state-sponsored terrorism list, widely understood to have been a key condition for Sudan's agreement to normalize relations with Israel.

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stands with Sudanese Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, the head of the military side of the ruling sovereign council, in Khartoum, Sudan. Aug. 25, 2020
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stands with Sudanese Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, the head of the military side of the ruling sovereign council, in Khartoum, Sudan. Aug. 25, 2020.Credit: ,AP
Additional benefits include a generous package of incentives worth hundreds of millions of dollars in financial aid and investment that the U.S. has prepared, together with the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.

On the face of it, the choice to normalize relations with Israel should be obvious. Yet 18 months after a popular uprising led to the ousting of the autocratic regime that had ruled Sudan for over 30 years, Sudan is going through a fragile process of democratization. 

Its current government, a cohabitation arrangement between military and civilian stakeholders, is fractured, and a decision as publicly contentious as recognizing Israel could strengthen the very elements who pose the greatest impediment to a smooth transition to democratic rule – primarily, the military and the Islamists.

Sudanese Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, military council head, speaks during a military-backed rally in Omdurman district west of Khartoum, Sudan. June 29, 2019
Sudanese Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, military council head, speaks during a military-backed rally in Omdurman district west of Khartoum, Sudan. June 29, 2019.Credit: Hussein Malla / AP
The military has taken the lead in establishing contacts with Israel. It was General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, chairman of Sudan's Sovereign Council, a military-led body overseeing the civilian-led government, who met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Entebbe last February. 

In assuming responsibility for contacts with Israel, the military seeks to cast itself, both domestically and internationally, as the overriding authority for the country's national security interests, at the expense of the civilian leadership. In so doing, it also wants to take the credit for the financial package that Sudan stands to receive for normalizing relations with Israel.

That one of the chief advocates for normalization has been al-Burhan's deputy, Mohammad Hamdan Dagalo, underscores another facet that should be of concern to both the U.S. and Israel.

Dagalo is head of the paramilitary group, Rapid Support Forces, which shot and killed over 100 pro-democracy protesters last year. A decade and a half ago, he commanded the notorious Janjaweed ("Devil on Horseback") militias, the main perpetrators of the genocide in Darfur. If normalization with Israel carries the cost of strengthening players like him, it behooves us to ask whether it is worth the benefits, not least for Sudan, but also for Israel.

On the other end of the Sudanese political divide are Islamist groups. They too stand to gain from a decision to recognize Israel. Once a rising political force in Sudan and – under the charismatic leadership of Hassan al-Turabi – a key player in al-Bashir's government during the 1990s, the Islamists have seen their power decline over the past 20 years. 

Since the 2018 uprising, they have been waiting on the sidelines as the military and the secular liberals have been jockeying for power. Embracing Israel, a move bound to be widely unpopular given decades of official anti-Israeli hostility, could create an opportunity for the Islamists to mobilize and lead public opposition; they have already issued a fatwa against normalization of ties with Israel. 

A Sudanese woman celebrates Sudan's ruling military council and a civilian coalition agreeing to share power during a transition period leading to elections. Khartoum, Sudan, July 5, 2019.Credit: MOHAMED NURELDIN ABDALLAH / REUT

This is what is at stake for Sudan, and why the civilian leadership, led by Prime Minister Abdullah Hamdok, appears to have been reluctant to accept the American offer, preferring to postpone a decision on Israel until after the first elections based on universal suffrage in the country, scheduled for 2022.

If the U.S. cares for the long-term prospects of Israeli-Sudanese relations, it should refrain from bullying Khartoum into embracing Jerusalem at the present time and opt instead to encourage a gradual, step-by-step approach. 

For rather than heralding a thriving relationship between the two sides, the aggressive manner in which the Trump administration is forcing Sudan’s hand risks undermining the country's delicate process to democratic rule, strengthening its military over the civilian stakeholders, enhancing the appeal of Islamist groups, and, ultimately, dooming any relationship between Israel and Sudan to a premature and precipitous end.

Yonatan Touval is a senior foreign policy analyst at Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies. Twitter: @Yonatan_Touval



If you're pinning your hopes on a Covid vaccine, here's a dose of realism

 


If you're pinning your hopes on a Covid vaccine, here's a dose of realism

Wed 21 Oct 2020 10.53 BST

A targeted immunisation programme may offer some protection, but it will not deliver ‘life as normal’

• David Salisbury is a former director of immunisation at the Department of Health

A nurse preparing to give a patient a Covid-19 vaccine. Photograph: David Cheskin/PA

For those holding on to hope of an imminent Covid-19 vaccine, the news this weekend that the first could be rolled out as early as “just after Christmas” will have likely lifted the spirits.

The UK’s deputy chief medical officer, Prof Jonathan Van-Tam, reportedly told MPs a vaccine developed by Oxford University and AstraZeneca could be ready for deployment in January, while Sir Jeremy Farrar, Sage scientific advisory group member and a director of the Wellcome Trust, has said at least one of a portfolio of UK vaccines could be ready by spring.

Much has been said about how the world will return to normal when a vaccine is widely available. But that really won’t be true. It is important that we are realistic about what vaccines can and can’t do.

Vaccines protect individuals against disease and hopefully also against infection, but no vaccine is 100% effective. To know what proportion of a community would be immune after a vaccination programme is a numbers game – we must multiply the proportion of a population vaccinated by how effective the vaccine is.

The UK currently has among the highest national coverage of flu vaccine in the world, vaccinating around 75% of the over-65s against flu every year; most countries either do worse or have no vaccination programmes for older people. It is reasonable to expect that this level of coverage could be achieved for a Covid-19 vaccine in that age group in the UK.

Therefore, if the Covid-19 vaccine is 75% effective – meaning that 75% of those vaccinated become immune – then we would actually only protect 56% of that target population (75% of 75%). 

This would not be enough to stop the virus circulating. Almost half of our highest risk group would remain susceptible, and we won’t know who they are. Relaxing social distancing rules when facing those risks seems a bit like Russian roulette.

Now let’s look at people younger than 65 in medical risk groups. In a good year, the UK vaccinates 50% of them against flu. That means just over a third of them are going to be protected (50% of 75%). Just to make matters worse, regulators such as the US Food and Drug Administration and the European Medicines Agency have said that they would accept a 50% lower level for efficacy for candidate Covid-19 vaccines. If that efficacy level is fulfilled, we have to multiply coverage by 50% efficacy, not 75%, and suddenly it all gets more concerning.

As well as protecting individuals, vaccines can protect communities, through the interruption of transmission. One of the best examples comes from the UK meningitis C vaccination campaign of the late 1990s. There was a 67% reduction in the number of cases in unvaccinated children and young people because they were being protected by their contacts who had been vaccinated and were no longer transmitting infection.

If we want to see population protection from a Covid-19 vaccination, we are going to need high levels of protection (coverage x efficacy) across all ages – vaccinating not just the at-risk groups, as is being planned.

To stop transmission, we must vaccinate anyone who can transmit infection. Anything less means that our goal is only individual protection and not the interruption of transmission. 

recent announcement from the head of the UK vaccine taskforce, that the strategy will be targeted vaccination, makes it abundantly clear that the UK vaccine strategy at the moment is not to try to interrupt transmission, despite having hundreds of millions of Covid-19 vaccine doses on contract. With less than 10% of the population showing evidence of having been infected, targeted vaccination will not allow “life as previously usual” to return.

Even if countries do decide to switch from a personal-protection policy to a transmission-interruption strategy, obstacles remain. Much will depend on the successful vaccination (probably with two doses) of people who have not previously seen themselves to be at elevated risk. The challenge will be persuading the young, for example, to be vaccinated, not for their own benefit, but for the benefit of others.

Adherence to recommendations for any Covid-19 interventions – social distancing, lockdowns, home working, cancelled holidays or vaccinations – depend on trust. If politicians are telling us that the present impositions on our lives are only going to last until we have vaccines, then the reality is that a false hope is being promulgated.

Vaccines are probably the most powerful public health intervention available to us. But unless their benefits are communicated with realism, confidence in all recommendations will be put at risk.

While hope and optimism are much needed in these dark times, it is important to be transparent. We need to communicate the clear message that although targeted vaccination may offer some protection, it will not simply deliver “life as we used to know it”.

• David Salisbury is a former director of immunisation at the Department of Health and associate fellow of Chatham House’s Global Health Programme

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/oct/21/covid-vaccine-immunisation-protection