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dinsdag 19 februari 2019

Steve Bannons gladiatorenschool voor populisten

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In dit oude klooster komt Steve Bannons gladiatorenschool voor populisten



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In een klooster in Italië, het ‘centrum van het politieke universum’, wil Steve Bannon de gladiatoren opleiden van de wereldwijde populistische opstand die hij nastreeft. De rechterhand van de oud-spindoctor van Trump leidt rond. 
Door Jarl van der Ploeg | Foto’s Marco Bonomo  18 februari 2019, 14:01
Terwijl een van de trouwste medewerkers van Steve Bannon uitlegt hoe zij in dit eeuwenoude klooster in de Apennijnse heuvels de eerste populisten­academie ter wereld gaan stichten om de volgende generatie nationalistische en populistische wereldleiders op te leiden, begint het langzaam naar pruttelende tomatensaus te ruiken.
‘Och, het is al bijna lunchtijd’, zegt Benjamin Harnwell (43) verrast. ‘Kom, ik laat je nog snel de kloostercellen zien waar de studenten straks moeten slapen. Daarna moet ik weer verder.’ Voor zijn ‘gladiatorenschool voor cultuurvechters’ immers een feit is, moet de toekomstig directeur nog bergen werk verzetten. Zo bestaat zijn takenlijstje onder andere uit: het dagelijkse mailcontact voortzetten met Steve Bannon, de voormalig spindoctor van de Amerikaanse president Donald Trump en thans brein achter deze school; het afronden van het lesprogramma voor de eerste zomercursussen; het verwerken van de ‘tientallen’ studentenaanvragen die hij dagelijks ontvangt; een offerte aanvragen voor het installeren van nieuwe toiletten.

‘Loop je mee’, vraagt Harnwell terwijl hij opstaat en – trap op, trap af, deur open, deur dicht – door een wirwar van donkere gangen begint te oreren over vroeger; dat dit Trisulti-complex in 1211 door Paus Innocentius III werd ingewijd en dat de Kartuizermonniken zo bedreven raakten in het mengen van kruiden dat Trisulti bekend kwam te staan als het ‘Harvard van de kruidenmedicijnen’.
‘Oja, voor ik het vergeet: ik wil graag dat je opschrijft dat ik zeer veel respect heb voor Geert Wilders en dat ik hier heel graag met hem zou samenwerken.’
Harnwell, die vijftien jaar lang politiek adviseur was van de Britse conservatieve Europarlementariër Nirj Deva, is op papier voorzitter van het Dignitatis Humanae Institute, een religieuze denktank in Rome die nauwe banden onderhoudt met een aantal ultraconservatieve kardinalen. In de praktijk is hij de afgelopen vijf jaar continu bezig geweest met de stichting van deze ­populistenopleiding.

Dat begon allemaal op die memorabele dag in 2014, toen Harnwell in Rome een lezing organiseerde waarbij Steve Bannon de belangrijkste spreker was. Bannon trok van leer tegen de politieke elite, hekelde de groeiende kloof tussen kerk en staat en pleitte voor een ‘oorlog tegen het jihadistisch islamitisch fascisme’.
‘Die toespraak was een openbaring’, zegt Harnwell, die zijn haren, net als Bannon, strak achterover kamt en wiens kleding, net als Bannon, uit veel laagjes bestaat. ‘Het was de beste politieke toespraak die ik ooit zag. Steve was briljant, geniaal. Ik lees die woorden nog vaak terug.’
Ook Bannon zelf bleek na die dag in 2014 geïnteresseerd in Harnwell, getuige de kwalificaties ‘pionier’ en ‘slimste man van Rome’ die hij sindsdien op hem losliet. Dat respect is verklaarbaar: Bannon wil graag een wereldwijde populistische opstand ontketenen, die volgens hem in Europa moet starten. Harnwells hulp komt daarbij uitstekend van pas, niet in de laatste plaats omdat hij een zeer goed netwerk heeft in Italië – het eerste West-Europese land waar een volledig populistische regering de scepter zwaait.
Niet voor niets was Bannon vorig jaar meermaals in Rome om te verkondigen dat Italië het ‘centrum van het politieke universum is’ omdat er een experiment gaande is ‘dat, als het werkt, de wereldwijde politiek zal veranderen’. En niet voor niets stond tijdens al die toespraken een man continu aan Bannons zijde: Benjamin Harnwell.

Bannon en Harnwell gingen op zoek naar een gezamenlijk hoofdkwartier en kwamen uit bij Trisulti, dat door de Italiaanse overheid verhuurd werd omdat het onderhoud te prijzig werd. Harnwell won de bieding waardoor hij het de komende 19 jaar mag exploiteren tegen een jaarlijkse huursom van honderdduizend euro. Hoe hij aan dat geld komt wil hij niet zeggen. De enige geldschieter die met naam en toenaam wil worden genoemd, is Steve Bannon.
‘We hadden eerst het idee om in dit klooster een Breitbart-academie te stichten’, zegt Harnwell. Bannon, ­jarenlang verbonden aan de rechtse provocateurswebsite Breitbart, wilde hier ‘een leger trainen van populistische voetsoldaten die de taal en middelen van de nieuwe media beheersen’. Maar toen Bannon werd ontslagen bij Breitbart, besloten beide heren niet langer soldaten te trainen in deze heuvels, maar officieren.
Daarmee wordt dit klooster op 825 meter hoogte straks het meest tastbare bewijs dat de populisten over een langere adem beschikken dan veel politiek analisten van tevoren dachten. Sterker nog: op twee uur rijden van Rome ligt binnenkort een populistisch vijfjarenplan klaar in de vorm van een heuse bachelor- en masteropleiding.
Precies die aanstaande symboolfunctie wekte in Italië de toorn van een aantal linkse parlementariërs. Zij vroegen het ministerie van Erfgoed en Culturele Zaken opnieuw te onderzoeken of deze populistenschool wel in lijn is met de ‘bescherming en passende benutting van dit culturele erfgoed van Unesco’, zoals het huurcontract voorschrijft.

Harnwell is er zelf van overtuigd dat zijn plannen juist perfect bij het huurcontract passen en zegt honderd procent zeker te weten dat hier vanaf 2020 de eerste zomercursussen beginnen, waarna de school langzaam kan uitgroeien tot een volwaardige academie waar ongeveer driehonderd studenten vakken kunnen volgen in de filosofie, economie, geschiedenis en theologie, ‘allemaal vanuit een populistisch-­nationalistisch perspectief’.
Steve Bannon zal waarschijnlijk gastcolleges geven in ‘de toegepaste kunst van de nieuwe media’, zei hij in The Washington Post. De oerconservatieve Amerikaanse kardinaal Raymond Burke, een van de machtigste tegenstanders van paus Franciscus en nauw verbonden aan de denktank van ­Harnwell, zei tegen Reuters dat ook hij uitkijkt naar een samenwerking met Bannon ‘om een beslissende bijdrage te leveren aan de verdediging van wat vroeger het christendom werd genoemd’.
Maar zover is het nog lang niet, probeert Harnwell het gesprek af te ronden. Zo moet er nog veel verbouwd worden – het verdedigen van de joods-christelijke wortels van de Europese samenleving gaat nu eenmaal niet zonder goedwerkende toiletten. ‘Voor wij mensen als Wilders hier willen uitnodigen, moet het er tiptop uitzien. Dat schrijf je wel echt op, toch? Dat ik ver­eerd zou zijn als Wilders hier een keer les komt geven?’
https://www.demorgen.be/buitenland/in-dit-oude-klooster-komt-steve-bannons-gladiatorenschool-voor-populisten-b1302fd7/?referer=https://www.google.com/
Gepost door de Familie Robert Bleeker op 13:04 Geen opmerkingen:
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maandag 18 februari 2019

Disinformation and ‘fake news’: Final Report published





Disinformation and ‘fake news’: Final Report published







18 February 2019




The Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee has published its final report on Disinformation and ‘fake news’.
  • Read the full report: Disinformation and ‘fake news’: Final Report 
  • Inquiry: Disinformation and ‘fake news’

Summary

Calls for:
  • 1. Compulsory Code of Ethics for tech companies overseen by independent regulator
  • 2. Regulator given powers to launch legal action against companies breaching code
  • 3. Government to reform current electoral communications laws and rules on overseas involvement in UK elections
  • 4. Social media companies obliged to take down known sources of harmful content, including proven sources of disinformation
Further finds that:
  • Electoral law ‘not fit for purpose’

  • Facebook intentionally and knowingly violated both data privacy and anti-competition laws

Chair's comment

Damian Collins MP, Chair of the DCMS Committee said:
“Our inquiry over the last year has identified three big threats to our society. The challenge for the year ahead is to start to fix them; we cannot delay any longer.
“Democracy is at risk from the malicious and relentless targeting of citizens with disinformation and personalised ‘dark adverts’ from unidentifiable sources, delivered through the major social media platforms we use everyday. Much of this is directed from agencies working in foreign countries, including Russia.
“The big tech companies are failing in the duty of care they owe to their users to act against harmful content, and to respect their data privacy rights.
“Companies like Facebook exercise massive market power which enables them to make money by bullying the smaller technology companies and developers who rely on this platform to reach their customers.
“These are issues that the major tech companies are well aware of, yet continually fail to address.

The guiding principle of the ‘move fast and break things’ culture often seems to be that it is better to apologise than ask permission.
“We need a radical shift in the balance of power between the platforms and the people. The age of inadequate self regulation must come to an end. The rights of the citizen need to be established in statute, by requiring the tech companies to adhere to a code of conduct written into law by Parliament, and overseen by an independent regulator.
“We also have to accept that our electoral regulations are hopelessly out of date for the internet age. We need reform so that the same principles of transparency of political communications apply online, just as they do in the real world. More needs to be done to require major donors to clearly establish the source of their funds.
“Much of the evidence we have scrutinised during our inquiry has focused on the business practices of Facebook; before, during and after the Cambridge Analytica data breach scandal.
“We believe that in its evidence to the Committee Facebook has often deliberately sought to frustrate our work, by giving incomplete, disingenuous and at times misleading answers to our questions.
“Even if Mark Zuckerberg doesn’t believe he is accountable to the UK Parliament, he is to the billions of Facebook users across the world. Evidence uncovered by my Committee shows he still has questions to answer yet he’s continued to duck them, refusing to respond to our invitations directly or sending representatives who don’t have the right information. Mark Zuckerberg continually fails to show the levels of leadership and personal responsibility that should be expected from someone who sits at the top of one of the world’s biggest companies.
“We also repeat our call to the Government to make a statement about how many investigations are currently being carried out into Russian interference in UK politics.

We want to find out what was the impact of disinformation and voter manipulation on past elections including the UK Referendum in 2016 and are calling on the Government to launch an independent investigation.”

Final Report

This Final Report on Disinformation and ‘Fake News’ repeats a number of recommendations from the interim report published last summer. The Committee calls for the Government to reconsider a number of recommendations to which it did not respond and to include concrete proposals for action in its forthcoming White Paper on online harms. 
Independent regulation of social media companies.

The Report repeats a recommendation from the Interim Report for clear legal liabilities to be established for tech companies to act against harmful or illegal content on their sites, and the report calls for a compulsory Code of Ethics defining what constitutes harmful content. An independent regulator should be responsible for monitoring tech companies, backed by statutory powers to launch legal action against companies in breach of the code.
Companies failing obligations on harmful or illegal content would face hefty fines. MPs conclude: “Social media companies cannot hide behind the claim of being merely a ‘platform’ and maintain that they have no responsibility themselves in regulating the content of their sites.”
The Report’s recommendation chimes with recent statements by Ministers indicating the Government is prepared to regulate social media companies following the death of teenager Molly Russell. The Committee hopes to see firm recommendations for legislation in the White Paper to create a regulatory system for online content that is as effective as that for offline content.
It repeats its recommendation for new independent regulation to be funded by a levy on tech companies operating in the UK.

Data use and data targeting 

The Report highlights Facebook documents obtained by the Committee and published in December 2018 relating to a Californian court case brought by app developer Six4Three. Through scrutiny of internal Facebook emails between 2011 and 2015, the Report finds evidence to indicate that
1. the company was willing to: override its users' privacy settings in order to transfer data to some app developers; 
2. to charge high prices in advertising to some developers, for the exchange of data, and starve some developers—such as Six4Three—of that data, contributing to them losing their business. 
MPs conclude: “It is evident that Facebook intentionally and knowingly violated both data privacy and anti-competition laws.”
The Committee has published more evidence ( https://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons-committees/culture-media-and-sport/Further-selected-documents-ordered-from-Six4Three-Feb19.pdf (
PDF
 PDF 9.09 MB)Opens in a new window - see footnotes) from the Six4Three documents today that demonstrate Facebook's aggressive action against certain apps and highlights the link between Friends' data and the financial value of the developers' relationship with Facebook.


It recommends that the ICO carries out a detailed investigation into the practices of the Facebook platform, its use of users' and users' friends' data, and the use of 'reciprocity' of the sharing of data. 
The CMA (Competition and Markets Authority) should conduct a comprehensive audit of the advertising market on social media and investigate whether Facebook has been involved in anti-competitive practices.
MPs note that Facebook, in particular, is unwilling to be accountable to regulators around the world:   “By choosing not to appear before the Committee and by choosing not to respond personally to any of our invitations, Mark Zuckerberg has shown contempt towards both our Committee and the 'International Grand Committee' involving members from nine legislators from around the world.”

Leave.EU

The Report finds evidence supported by the findings of both the ICO and the Electoral Commission of a ‘porous relationship’ between Arron Banks’ Eldon Insurance and Leave.EU with no attempt to create a strict division between the two organisations, in breach of current laws.  
As set out in the Interim Report, Arron Banks and Andy Wigmore showed complete disregard and disdain for the parliamentary process, when they appeared as witnesses.
It concludes: “It is now evident that they gave misleading evidence to the Committee in June 2018 about the working relationship between Eldon Insurance and Leave.EU.”

Aggregate IQ

The Report contains details of work commissioned by the Committee into insecure data found on the AIQ website. 
The Committee believes that analysis of data stored in a vast repository is evidence that AIQ collected, stored and shared data belonging to UK citizens in the context of its work on the EU referendum.
The Committee concludes: “AIQ worked on both the US Presidential primaries and for Brexit-related organisations, including the designated Vote Leave group, during the EU Referendum. The work of AIQ highlights the fact that data has been and is still being used extensively by private companies to target people, often in political context, in order to influence their decisions.”

Electoral law not fit for purpose

The ICO identified a “disturbing disregard for voters’ personal privacy” in the use of data analytics in political campaigns, with investigations also carried out by the Electoral Commission.
Evidence given to the Committee shows that current electoral law is not fit for purpose. It has failed to reflect a move away from billboards and leaflets to online micro-targeted campaigning. The Report calls for absolute transparency of political campaigning, with clear banners on all paid-for political advertisements and videos, identifying the source and the advertiser. It would be backed by a legal definition of digital campaigning and online political advertising, repeating a recommendation of the Interim Report. The impact of social media must be taken into account: “There also needs to be an acknowledgement of the role and power of unpaid campaigns and Facebook Groups that influence elections and referendums (both inside and outside the designated period).”
The Electoral Commission should be given more powers including the legal right to compel organisations they don’t regulate such as social media companies to provide information. It should have the power to increase the size of fines to reflect a company’s turnover.
On the issue of overseas interference in elections, the Electoral Commission should have the power to intervene or stop someone acting illegally in a campaign if they live outside the UK.
The Report highlights Mainstream Network, a pro-Brexit website operating on Facebook, which the Committee discovered was targeting advertisements at specific constituents to encourage them to send standard emails to their MP. 
The Committee questioned Richard Allan, Facebook Vice President of Policy Solutions, about the organisation behind the apparent anonymity of Mainstream Network with an advertising spend estimated at more than £250,000. The Committee is still awaiting information promised by Richard Allan. The reports notes: “We consider Facebook's response generally to be disingenuous and is another example of Facebook's bad faith.”
The Committee is calling for tech companies to address the issue of shell companies attempting to hide identity in buying political advertising in particular, with full disclosure of the use of targeting as part of advertising transparency.

Foreign Influence in Political Campaigns


The Committee finds strong evidence pointing to hostile state actors influencing democratic processes. While the UK Government has accepted evidence of Russian activity in the Skripal poisoning case it has been reluctant to accept evidence of interference in the 2016 UK Referendum. 

In calling for action the Report finds: “The UK is clearly vulnerable to covert digital influence campaigns and the Government should be conducting analysis to understand the extent of the targeting of voters, by foreign players, during past elections.” 

The Government should consider whether current legislation to protect the electoral process from malign influence is sufficient. Legislation should be explicit on the illegal influencing of the democratic process by foreign players. The Committee urges the Government to respond in its White Paper.


Facebook and Russian Disinformation

The Committee has repeatedly asked Facebook in written correspondence and oral evidence about Russian activity on Facebook and knowledge of Russian advertisements that ran during the presidential election in America in 2016. The New York Times reported in November 2018 that Facebook had discovered Russian-linked activity on its site in 2016, attempting to disrupt the US election.
MPs conclude that two senior executives from Facebook who appeared as witnesses left them with the impression they had “deliberately misled the Committee or they were deliberately not briefed by senior executives at Facebook, about the extent of Russian interference in foreign elections”.

Leave.EU, Arron Banks, US and Russia

The Interim Report flagged concerns over the source of a donation to the Leave campaign by Arron Banks, alleged to be the largest donation to a political campaign in British history. The Committee welcomes action by the Electoral Commission and the National Crime Agency following the Committee’s recommendation to pursue investigations into the source of the donation.
The Report is calling for urgent action to address election rules around overseas spending: “We recommend that, at the earliest opportunity, the Government reviews the current rules on overseas involvement in our UK elections to ensure that foreign interference in UK elections, in the form of donations, cannot happen.”
Facebook and all platforms should be clear that they have a responsibility to comply with the law and not facilitate illegal activity.
The Committee repeats its recommendation made in the Interim Report for the Government to make a statement about the number of investigations being carried out into Russian interference in UK politics. 
The Government should also launch an independent investigation into past elections, including the UK 2017 general election, the UK 2016 referendum and the Scottish referendum of 2014, with regard to foreign influence, disinformation, funding, voter manipulation and the sharing of data to enable appropriate changes to the law to be made. 

SCL Elections and Cambridge Analytica

1. The Interim Report flagged concerns that SCL Elections and associated companies, including Cambridge Analytica, worked on campaigns that raised concerns over transparency and legal and ethical boundaries. 
2. The Interim Report stated that "SCL Group and associated companies have gone into administration, but other companies are carrying out similar work. 
3. Many of the individuals involved in SCL and Cambridge Analytica appear to have moved onto new corporate vehicles". 
4. This Report repeats the recommendation that the National Crime Agency should investigate the connections between the company SCL Elections Ltd and Emerdata Ltd, if it had not already done so.
5. The Report urges a review of self-regulation for the strategic communications industry on whether new regulation is necessary to curb bad behaviour in the industry.

Further information

The inquiry into Disinformation and 'fake news' was announced in September 2017. The Committee held 23 oral evidence sessions, including one in Washington, received more than 170 written submissions, and heard evidence from 73 individuals.
The Interim Report into Disinformation and 'fake news' was published in July 2018.
Representatives from eight countries were invited to join the DCMS Committee to create an 'International Grand Committee', the first of its kind since 1933, to create a united global front in tackling the spread of disinformation. The inaugural session was held in November 2018.
https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/digital-culture-media-and-sport-committee/news/fake-news-report-published-17-19/


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zondag 30 december 2018

Deciphering the Patterns in Trump’s Falsehoods






Deciphering the Patterns in Trump’s Falsehoods

We review how President Trump bent the truth this year by repeating and inflating falsehoods, shifting his statements, embellishing or omitting details, and offering misleading attacks.
Linda Qiu
By Linda Qiu
  • Dec. 29, 2018
In the face of controversy or criticism, President Trump has defended initial falsehoods with additional dubious claims.CreditCreditSarah Silbiger/The New York Times


President Trump has a well-documented problem telling the truth.

Fact checkers have compiled lists of all of Mr. Trump’s falsehoods since he took office (The Washington Post counts over 7,500, and The Toronto Star over 3,900), rounded up his most egregious whoppers in year-end lists and scrutinized his claims in real time with television chyrons.

Here at The New York Times, we have also fact-checked countless campaign rallies, news conferences, interviews and Twitter posts. After nearly two years of assessing the accuracy of Mr. Trump’s statements, we can draw some conclusions not just about the scale of the president’s mendacity, but also about how he uses inaccurate claims to advance his agenda, criticize the news media and celebrate his achievements.
Repetition and Inflation

Mr. Trump refuses to correct most of his inaccurate claims, instead asserting them over and over again. They become, by sheer force of repetition, “alternative facts” and staples of his campaign rallies and speeches.

Examples abound. He has falsely characterized the December 2017 tax cuts as the “largest” or the “biggest” in American history over 100 times (several others were larger). He has misleadingly said over 90 times that his promised wall along the southern border is being built (construction has not begun on any new section). He has falsely accused Democrats of supporting “open borders” over 60 times (Democratic lawmakers support border security, but not his border wall). And he has lobbed over 250 inaccurate attacks on the investigation into Russian election interference.


Yet Mr. Trump does not rely on repetition alone. He also embellishes talking points to amplify his achievements.

Take his repeated fabrication about the construction of new steel mills. After his administration announced tariffs on steel and aluminum imports in March, the president claimed in June that United States Steel was “opening six new plants.” A month later, the number rose to seven. He has also occasionally cited eight, possibly nine or a vague “many plants,” and he claimed once that plants were “opening up literally on a daily basis.” To date, United States Steel has yet to open or build one new plant, though the company has restarted idled components of some plants.


Mr. Trump often pairs his misleading claim that his border wall is being built with the statement that he received $1.6 billion from Congress to fund it — though a spending bill from March stipulated that the money, for border security, could not be used for the wall. In August, he added another $1.6 billion to the count, with no evidence. And despite criticizing a spending bill passed in September for not appropriating any money for the wall, Mr. Trump told campaign rally audiences in Illinois, Texas and Mississippi in October that his administration had secured a “third $1.6 billion.”

In some cases, true claims morph into false ones in Mr. Trump’s telling. In December 2017, he was largely accurate in saying a military spending law would give troops the largest raise in eight years. In March, he then exaggerated that time frame to “over a decade.” And in May, as he addressed Naval Academy graduates at Annapolis, Mr. Trump wrongly characterized the wage increase as not just the largest, but the “first in 10 years.”
Shifting and Deflecting

In the face of controversy or criticism, Mr. Trump has defended initial falsehoods with additional dubious claims.


This approach is evident in his shifting statements about the payment that Michael D. Cohen, his former lawyer, made to a pornographic film actress to keep her from speaking about their alleged affair. In April, Mr. Trump falsely denied knowing about the payment.

After the F.B.I. raided Mr. Cohen’s office, Mr. Trump acknowledged on Twitter in May that Mr. Cohen received reimbursement for the payment and asserted that it had nothing to do with his presidential campaign. Mr. Cohen would later tell prosecutors that he acted at Mr. Trump’s direction and to influence the election.

After the release of an audio recording of the two men discussing a hush-money payment to another woman, Mr. Trump claimed in an August interview on “Fox & Friends” that he did not know about the payments until “later on” and that Mr. Cohen “made the deals.” He then misleadingly compared Mr. Cohen’s actions — a willful violation of campaign finance law — to a civil infraction incurred by former President Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign.

By December, Mr. Trump’s defense had shifted further: “I never directed Michael Cohen to break the law.”
Misleading Vagueness and Fanciful Details

The president is known for being unscripted and loose with language, but he sometimes shows tactical restraint.

After Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh was confirmed to the Supreme Court and in the days before the midterm elections, Mr. Trump told rallygoers in Missouri that “the accuser admitted she never met him, she never saw him, he never touched her, talked to her, he had nothing to do with her, she made up the story, it was false accusations.”

The omission of a name and the use of the words “the accuser” may give the misleading impression that Christine Blasey Ford, who testified to Congress that Justice Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her when they were teenagers, had recanted her account. But in fact, Mr. Trump was referring to another little-known accuser named Judy Munro-Leighton, who recanted her claim of sexual assault.
Mr. Trump also regales his audience with elaborate stories. Some — like his tales of unnamed “strong” or “tough” men, miners or steelworkers crying and thanking him — may have occurred but are impossible to verify.

Others, like his frequent attacks on Senator Richard Blumenthal, Democrat of Connecticut, contain invented details. Not content with just accurately pointing out that Mr. Blumenthal falsely claimed to have served in Vietnam, Mr. Trump adds — with no evidence — that Mr. Blumenthal said he had “charged up Da Nang,” dodged bullets and saved the lives of fellow soldiers.
Inventing Straw Men

The usual target of this particular strain of falsehoods is the news media, which Mr. Trump suggests purposely underestimates or misinterprets him.

Mr. Trump often lauds strong job growth under his watch and says that the “fake news” would have deemed such numbers “impossible” or “ridiculous” during the 2016 campaign. Yet he neglects to mention that the number of jobs added in the 22 months after his inauguration — 4.2 million — is lower than the 4.8 million jobs added in the 22 months before he took office, undermining the premise of his retrodiction.

In another example, Mr. Trump turned a hypothetical talking point first into a purported reality and then — after headlines debunking his claim appeared — into a joke that he implied reporters had failed to grasp.

At an October rally in Arizona, Mr. Trump criticized Democrats for allowing undocumented immigrants to apply for driver’s licenses. “Next thing you know, they’ll want to buy ’em a car,” he speculated. “Then they’ll say the car’s not good enough, we want — how about a Rolls-Royce?”

A day later, at a campaign rally in Nevada, Mr. Trump presented this theory as reality, telling supporters that Democrats wanted to give cars and licenses to undocumented immigrants in addition to free health care and education.


After the claim was debunked by news outlets, Mr. Trump responded by ridiculing the news media for mentioning the Rolls-Royce, which was not the actual subject of the fact checks.

“They said he gets a Pinocchio for that,” Mr. Trump said to laughter at a campaign rally in Mississippi, referring to The Washington Post’s rating system for false claims. “They got me!”

To suggest claims to check, email factcheck@nytimes.com.

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/29/us/politics/trump-fact-check.html
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